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Boston, Mass. 


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8K1NNKK, lUUTLKTT A Co., 7 i-Vdtml Court, Burton. 

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* / 

Prof. Frank Parsons 70^/ 

. A. J. Utlky 85 

B. O. Flower 106 

. C. J. Buell 124 

Celsufl, the JHrst Pagan Critic of Christianity, and his Anticipa- 
tion of Modern Thought, Rev. Samuel J. Barrows. D. D. 1 
The Direct Legislation Movement and its Leaders (Illustrated), 

Eltweed Pomeroy, Editor of the Direct Legislation Record 29 
The Land of the Noonday Sun — Mexico in Mid-Winter (Illus- 
trated) .... Justice Walter Clark, LL. D. 44 
A National Platform for the American Independents of 1896, 

William P. St. John, President of the Mercantile National 
Bank of New York . 
The Telegraph Monopoly (Part VI) . 
A Prophet of Freedom 
Monopoly and the Mines of Minnesota 
The Mental Cure in its Relation to Modern Thought, 

Horatio W. Dresser 131 
The Valley Path (Serial) . . Will Allen Dromgoole 138 

Bride of the Ages (Poem) . . . Frances M. Milne 146 

Between Two Worlds (Serial), Mrs. Calvin Kryder Reifsnider 147 
The Golden Age (Poem) . . . Junius L. Hempstead 162 

A Just Judge . J. B. Follett 177 / 

The Telegraph Monopoly (Part VH) . Prof. Frank Parsons 186 
Shall we have a National Sanitarium for Consumptives? 

William Thornton Parker, M. D. (Munich) 196 

The Tree of Equity Bolton Hall 207 

Some Eastern Conservative Authorities who are Championing the 

Cause of Free Silver B. O. Flower 208 

The Keeley Cure for Inebriety . . . William G. Haskell 222 
Two Golden Volumes ..... Giles Stebbins 228 
The Millionnaire's Daughter (Poem) . . Cecelia De Vere 238 
An Interesting Representative of a Vanished Race (Illustrated), 

B. O. Flower 240 
American Financial Policy . . . . H. F. Bartine 251 
Woman in Society To-day . . . . A. E. U. Hilles 263 

The Imperial Power in the Realm of Truth, 

Prof. Joseph Rodes Buchanan 276 
Are we Becoming a Homeless Nation ? . . John O. Yeiser 286 
Theosophy and H. P. Blavatsky . Kate Buffington Davis 292 
The General Discontent as Illustrated in Current Cartoons, 

B. O. Flower 298 
The Valley Path (Serial) . . Will Allen Dromgoole 305 

Between Two Worlds (Serial), 

Mrs. Calvin Kryder Reifsnider 316 

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A Vision of Lost Atlantis (Poem) . . . James G. Clark 882 

The Telegraph Monopoly (Part VIII) . Prof. Frank Parsons 363 < 

A Reply to " A Financial Seer "... C. S. Thomas 367 
Bibliography of Literature Dealing with the Land Question, 

Thomas E. Will, A. M. 380 

Is the West Discontented? . . . John E. Bennett 393 

B. O. Flower 406 

. G. S. Crawford 418 

. Annie L. Muzzey 432 

. Annie E. Cheney 439 

. J. Kellogg 445 

B. B. Marsh, M. A. 448 

George Canning Hill 455 

Whittier — The Man . 

Club Life versus Home Life 

A Social Settlement . 

Mahayana Buddhism in Japan 

The Convict Question 

Ethics the Only Basis of Religion 

The Morning of a New Day 

Associated Effort and its Influence on Human Progress, 

M. L. Holbrook, M. D. 462 
Philosophers Afloat (A Sketch) . . Helen H. Gardener 480 
The Valley Path (Serial) . . Will Allen Dromgoole 486 

This Crowded World (Poem) . . . . D. L. Maulsby 496 
Between Two Worlds (Serial), 

Mrs. Calvin Kryder Reifsnider 497 
The New Patriotism (Poem) . . . Miles M. Dawson 512 
The Currency Question . . . Hon. W'illiam J. Bryan 529 
Evils of the Land Monopoly . . . Rev. W. B. Williams 538 
Whittier— A Modern Apostle of Lofty Spirituality, 

B. O. Flower 543 
The Initiative and Referendum . . Charles W. Bowne 553 
Is a Universal Religion Possible? . . . I.N.Taylor 558 
The Right of Woman to the Ballot . Charles H. Chapman 570 

Free Silver and Prosperity . William P. St. John, M. A. 581 
A Remarkable Statistical Report . . . James Malcolm 585 
Model " Model Tenements," William Howe Tolman, Ph. D. 595 
Inherited Wretchedness : Should Consumptives Marry? 

Paul Paquin, M. D., V. M. 605 
The Negro's Place in History . . Prof. Willis Boughton 612 
*Y Compulsory Arbitration a Practicable Remedy, 

Norman T. Mason, A. M. 622 
The Telegraph Monopoly (Part IX) . Prof. Frank Parsons 629 
The Valley Path (Serial) (Concluded), 

Will Allen Dromgoole 656 

Time (Poem) Edward A. Oldham 669 

Between Two Worlds . Mrs. Calvin Kryder Reifsnider 670 
Silver — A Money Metal . United States Senator J. T. Morgan 705 
The Religion of Jesus Christ in its Relation to Christianity and 

Reforms Rev. G. D. Coleman 721 

Municipal Reform . . William Howe Tolman, Ph. D. 728 
What the^ Remonetization of Silver would do for the Republic, 

United States Senator J. P. Jones 736 

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How Prince Edward Island Settled its Land Question, 

J. H. Hastam 743 

Dual Suffrage Mrs. E. Q. Norton 748 

The Peril of Encouraging the Persecuting Spirit, B. O. Flower 752 
Japanesque Elements in "The Last Days of Pompeii," 

Ernest W. Clement 757 

Free Silver versus Free Gold . . . Prof. Frank Parsons 770 

Three Travellers (A Sketch) . . Warner Willis Fries 796 

The Question of Genius .... Sophia McClelland 799 
Are our Christian Missionaries in India Frauds? 

Rev. J. H. Mueller 806 
The Divine Afflatus of the Etruscan Gold-Spinners, 

Mary S. Lockwood 813 

Soul Evolution John F. Clark 820 

The Future (Poem) .... Gottfrid E. Hult, A. M. 824 

Between Two Worlds (Serial), Mrs. Calvin Kryder Rkifsnider 825 

The Issue of 1896 Prof. Frank Parsons 881 

The Simplicity of the Single Tax . . S. Howard Leech 892 

Jesus and the Apostles, Prof. Joseph Rodes Buchanan, M. D. 897 

The Medical Crisis of the Eighteenth Century, C. W. Cram, M. D. 908 

Night and Day (Poem) .... Rev. G. D. Coleman 919 

Kate Field Lilian Whiting 920 

Four Epochs in the History of our Republic . B. O. Flower 928 
Free Coinage Indispensable, but not a Panacea, 

Justice Walter Clark, LL. D. 937 
The North American Indian — The Disappearance of the Race a 

Popular Fallacy ... J. Worden Pope, U. S. Army 945 

Children's Sense of Fear .... Mary M. Harrison 960 

The New Charity Bolton Hall 970 

The Impend! ug Crisis, 

William H. Standisii, ex-Attorney-General of North Dakota 974 
Can we have and do we need an Infallible Revelation? 

Rev. T. Ernest Allen 986 

The Days to Come .... Ella Minthorn Hogan 993 
Between Two Worlds (Serial) (Concluded), 

Mrs. Calvin Kryder Reifsnider 995 


Dr. Wallace's Volume on Modern Spiritual Philosophy ... 163 

The Drama of the Revolution 167 

Twenty-five Letters on English Authors 168 

True Memory ; the Philosopher's Stone 335 

Siegfried, the Mystic 336 

An Ideal Republic 514 

A Romance of the New Virginia 519 

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A SpiritualTour of the World 520 

An Original Book 684 

A Silver Baron 689 

The Juggernaut of the Moderns 691 

Beyond 692 

Etidorhpa 855 

Immigration Fallacies 857 

A Tower in the Desert 858 

Workingmen and the Church 859 

Dame Fortune Smiled 860 

Libra 862 

Birkwood 863 

King Mammon 1035 

Brysonia 1039 

Whose Soul Have I Now? . 1040 

Uncle Jerry's Platform and other Christmas Stories . . . 1042 

Santa Claus' Home and other Stories and Rhymes .... 1043 

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John G. Whittier Opposite 1 

Eltweed Pomeroy 33 

Hon. Thomas McEwan, Jr 33 

William A. Cotter 33 

J. W. Arrowsmith 33 

J. W. Sullivan 34 

Samuel Gompers 35 

George H. Strobell 86 

Richard W. Irwin 39 • 

W. S. ITren 40 

F. J. Eddv 4i 

S. C. Whitwam 42 

Mexican Girl among what are called the Middle Class 44 

Porfirio Diaz, President of the Republic of Mexico . 45 
Ex-Gov. Thomas T. Crittenden, Consul-General of the 

United States to Mexico 46 

A Mexican Belle 47 

A Mexican Peasant Girl 48 

The Residence of Dr. Cadmus. — Solon's Home . Opposite 146 

Salome 147 

Mr. Gladstone 149 

Ruby 150 

Dr. Cadmus 151 

Solon 152 

Henry Clay Caldwell Opposite 176 

Royal National Consumptives' Hospital, Isle of Wight, 

England 197 

William P. St. John 209 

Jay Cooke 216 

Walter Clark 217 

Simon Pokagon 241 

Indian Napkin Rings made of Birch Bark, Colored 

Quills, and Sweet Grass 243 

Fac-Simile of Preface of " Red Man's Greeting." Printed 

on Birch Bark 244 

Indian Mat made of Birch Bark, Quills, etc. ... 247 
The Work of Gold Bugs; or "Where he's at" . . .298 

Purchasing Power of a Bale of Cotton .... 299 

Uncle Sam's "Crown of Thorns" 300 

The Work of the Gold Bugs 301 

A Cartoon for the Times, with Lines adapted from 

Shelley 802 


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Did God put all the Brains tJNDER these, and all the ] 

Power op Suffering under these? 802 

"Thou art the Man" 808 

The Two Old Parties as the "Two Dromios" . . . 304 

H. M. Teller, United States Senator, of Colorado . 346 ' 

Benjamin F. Tillman, Senator, of South Carolina 348 i 

George Wilson, President of the Oldest Bank in Missouri, 349 | 

George P. Keeney 350 j 

George Canning Hill Opposite 363 

W. J. Bryan Opposite 528 

W.J.Bryan 694 

George Fred Williams Opposite 704 i 

* Achille 833 [ 

Kate Field Opposite 881 j 

George Washington " 929 

Thomas Jefferson 931 

Andrew Jackson 933 

Abraham Lincoln 934 

William J. Bryan 935 

Mrs. Calvin Kryder Reifsnider .... Opposite 995 I 

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JUNE, 1896. 



It is an interesting glimpse that we get through a historic 
vista of sixteen hundred and fifty years of the intellectual 
and literary activity of the church at Alexandria. Origen, 
that sweet-hearted, large-minded theologian and scholar, has 
made it the seat of his labors. Under the patronage of his 
generous friend Ambrosius, he is devoting himself with tre- 
mendous industry to the production of works which are to 
survive the rust and blight of sixteen centuries. This wealthy 
friend and patron has kindly provided him with seven short- 
hand writers, who relieve each other at stated times, and with 
an equal number of transcribers, together with young girls 
who act as copyists and who prepare for publication the matr 
ter he has dictated. What literary opulence for a man who 
had been accustomed to live on four obols a day and who had 
literally construed the command of Jesus not to possess two 
coats or to wear shoes ! But Ambrose pays the bills. 

Oiigen having offended his ecclesiastical superiors at Alex- 
andria, betook himself to Ciesarea, where he soon developed 
large influence. The friendship of Ambrose did not desert 
him; and one day Origen received from his benefactor a 
book which had excited great attention in the heathen world, 
written in Greek, bearing the title Aoyoc kfyfys or " True Dis- 
course." It was a powerful arraignment of the beliefs of 
the Christians. Still more, it was an earnest appeal to Chris- 
tians to be reconciled to the existing order of things. It was 
written by a man of immense learning who had ranged through 

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the vast fields of Greek literature; who knew its poets and 
philosophers, its history 'and mythology; who quotes from 
Homer, Hesiod, Pindar, Heraclitus, Herodotus, Euripides, and 
many others ; who was deeply imbued with the philosophy of 
Plato, and had studied the religious systems of the Jews, the 
Egyptians, the Persians and Indians ; a man of wide travel, a 
student of art and science, a social economist, a patriot with 
a profound interest in the welfare of the State. And all this 
vast learning was gathered and wielded with immense force 
by a mind of philosophic grasp, breadth of sympathy, criti- 
cal acumen, brilliant wit, and at times capable of glowing 

This book was written by one Celsus. Who this Celsus 
was, Origen did not know. The name was a common one. 
Keim has counted about twenty who bore it. When Origen 
received the book he was nearly sixty years of age. It came 
into his hands, therefore, about the year 245. But this book 
had been in existence for many years. Origen, therefore, can 
only guess at the author. He presumes him to be an Epi- 
curean who lived in the time of Hadrian. Origen's palpable 
error in calling the author of the " True Discourse " an Epi- 
curean has been followed by many of the church historians, 
and even Froude, who has the material at hand for knowing 
better, repeats the erroneous assumption. This Celsus is not 
an Epicurean, but a decided Platonist. As he is the first 
heathen author who mentions the sacred books of the Chris- 
tians, and as some of his references bear directly upon the 
authorship of the four Gospels, it is important for New Testa- 
ment critics to fix his exact date ; but for the more general 
purpose of this article, which is rather to exhibit the mind 
and method of Celsus, such precision is not necessary. The 
difference is a matter of forty years. Various German 
critics, taking Origen's guess that he lived under Hadrian, 
put him about 137. Keim and others, through various polit- 
ical indications in his works, place him during the reign of 
Marcus Aurelius. The indications favor the latest date, 
A. D. 178. 

Here then we have a criticism of Christianity written by a 
cultured Greek mind in the third quarter of the second cen- 
tury. It fell into the hands of Origen about sixty-five years 
after it was written. Its author had passed away ; but the 
work had not lost its vitality. Origen was disinclined to 
reply to it, falling back on the example of Jesus, who, when 

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falsely accused, opened not his mouth. But the earnest re- 
quest of Ambrose, with the intimation that some believers 
might have their faith shaken by its argument, induced him 
to undertake the task. We may be grateful to Ambrose for 
his request and grateful to Origen for acceding to it, since 
this work of Celsus is known to us to-day only through the 
elaborate reply which Origen constructed to demolish it. 
The great service he has rendered to Christian literature lies 
not in the fact that he destroyed the argument of Celsus, but 
in the fact that he has so well preserved it. Origen took up 
the work of Celsus piece by piece, paragraph by paragraph, 
and enveloped each extract in a tissue of refutation. Instead 
of having the full living, breathing argument of Celsus or 
even the articulated skeleton, we must seek the disjointed 
bones in the eight books in which Origen sought to give 
them Christian burial. We undoubtedly owe it to the fact 
that the work of Celsus was so thoroughly incorporated in 
Origen's reply that it has been preserved to us at all. If 
there had been any means of detaching it, it would prob- 
ably have shared the cremation which overtook the works of 
Porphyry at a later date. Fortunately it was not possible to 
burn Celsus without burning Origen with him. Origen was 
a fair-minded and generous critic who would not wilfully 
garble or pervert. He has not shunned to exhibit the argu- 
ment of his opponent in all its force. He sometimes para- 
phrases, sometimes skips and condenses ; but with all the 
gaps, broken links, and sundered joints, we feel after we have 
gone through the pages of Origen, that we may practically 
and substantially reconstruct the work of Celsus. Its tran- 
scendent value for us is that one hundred and forty years after 
the death of Jesus it gives us the first picture of Christianity 
in relation to the thought and life of that age, drawn by a 
highly cultured Greek mind deeply saturated with the Pla- 
tonic spirit and standing as the conservator of existing institu- 
tions. And the interest is greatly increased from the fact 
that in developing his argument Celsus has surprisingly an- 
ticipated a vast deal of modern criticism and modern thought. 
Within the last twenty-five years there has been a revival 
of interest in the study of Celsus, and in the works of Pela- 
gaud, Keim, and Baur he has for the first time had justice 
done to him. If we look at the conception of this heathen 
writer which prevails in most ecclesiastical authors, it is that 
of a flippant, sophistical, shallow Pagan who ventured to 

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raise his voice against Christianity, and who was effectually 
silenced by the overmastering reply of Origen. It is to a 
totally different conception of him that we here invite at- 
tention. Perhaps nothing will do more to dispel the tradi- 
tional view than by stepping into the background and letting 
Celsus come to the front. Only the reader must remember 
that this man stands not on a Christian platform, but amid 
the grand temples of the Pagan world, looking down upon 
the snarl of Christian sects and seeing with alarm the spread 
of influences which threaten to undermine the ancient reli- 
gion. To understand Celsus at all, we must pu f ourselves 
in his place. Reading to-day his sharp and acid criticism, 
his withering sarcasm directed against Christianity, it might 
seem as if this man were a bold and trenchant radical, strik- 
ing at the root of all religion. Nothing could be more false. 
Celsus is not an iconoclast ; he is a conservative. He is not 
an Epicurean who has given up all belief in God and Provi- 
dence ; he is not like Lucian, a man of the world who could 
satirize the myths of Paganism and thus place weapons in 
the hands of Christians against the Polytheists. To Celsus 
it is the Christians who are the image breakers ; it is the 
Cliristians who are atheists refusing to worship longer in the 
temple ; it is the Christians who are materialists substituting 
for a pure spiritual conception of God the gross anthropo- 
morphism of the Hebrews and deifying a human being ; it is 
the Christians who are flooding the world with silly supersti- 
tions, and who by their secret societies, their exclusiveness, 
their refusal to take up arms in behalf of the emperor are 
threatening the life of the State. There is something deeply 
interesting and also deeply pathetic in the picture of this 
cultivated Greek who, like Theodore Parker, combines vast 
powers of sarcasm with the deepest reverence, taking up his 
pen to resist a new and powerful form of intellectual and 
political disorder, and making an affectionate appeal for the 
preservation of what he deemed the established order of the 

The work of Celsus may be divided into four parts. 

1. A brief introduction. 

2. A representation of a dialogue between a Jew and 
Jesus, which is followed by an address of the Jew to his 

3. A criticism of the doctrine of the Christians. 

4. An attempt to reconcile Christianity with the religion 
of the emperor. 

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It is noticeable that many who have written upon Celsus 
overlook this last, but to us one of the most important divis- 
ions of the treatise. It constitutes the natural climax to 
the work. 

Turning from the literary order to the philosophical 
method, we find that the author has chosen his central point 
of attack with great skill. He directs the whole force of his 
battery against the claim of Christianity to be a special divine 
revelation, a religion essentially new and essentially superior. 
In exposing its pretensions to exclusive inspiration he aims to 
exhibit the irrational character of its dogmas, its supposed 
miracles, its deification of Jesus, its claim to be the only 
means of salvation, its materialistic doctrine of the resurrec- 
tion, and its unworthy views of God. And then, having 
shown that Christianity can rest simply where all other reli- 
gions must rest, on the basis of universal religion, he appeals 
in a reconciling tone to Christians as citizens and patriots to 
support the emperor. 

In the very introduction of the " True Discourse " the 
motive of the work comes out. Celsus accuses the Chris- 
tians of forming secret societies in violation of law; their ex- 
clusiveness is political as well as religious. He then under- 
takes to knock away the props on which this exclusiveness is 
built. Christianity, he says, grew out of Judaism. It was of 
barbarian origin. The doctrines of Christianity have noth- 
ing new in them. They are common to the other philoso- 
phies. For instance, the argument of the Christians against 
the worship of idols is that they are the work of men, and 
an inferior cannot create a superior. Heraclitus, the philoso- 
pher reminds us, said practically the same thing before. The 
Persians also rejected the worship of idols. Christianity 
therefore presents nothing new. 

There is a passage in the introduction which we quote be- 
cause it shows that the writer could not have been an Epicu- 
rean. In recognizing the heroism of Christians who died for 
their belief, he says, " I do not say that he who holds to a 
good doctrine ought to renounce it* either in reality or in ap- 
pearance, for the sake of saving his life ; but," he continues, 
44 no man ought to accept a doctrine unless it is supported by 
reason. Some of the Christians are unwilling to give reason 
or to listen to reason concerning their belief, and make use of 
these expressions : Examine not, but l>elieve ; your faith will 
save you ; wisdom is a bad thing ; foolishness is a good thing." 

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He admits that there are wise and sound-minded Christians ; 
but his general assertion is that Christianity Is for ignorant 
men ; that accounts for its rapid spread. There is an impor- 
tant historical fact implied here ; namely, that when he wrote 
Christianity was making rapid headway and becoming a 
threatening annoyance. "The founder of the Christian 
sect," he continues, "was living only a few years ago, and yet 
the Christians believe him the Son of God."* In a dramatic 
way Celsus then introduces an imaginary disputation between 
Jesus and a Jew. The Jew accuses him of having derived 
his birth from a virgin, and upbraids him with l>eing born in 
a certain Jewish village of a poor woman of the country, 
who gained her living by spinning and who was turned out 
of doors by her husband, a carpenter by trade, because she 
was unfaithful. According to Celsus, the real father of Jesus 
was a soldier named Pantherus. When Jesus was a youth 
he was compelled by poverty to go to Egypt and work there 
for many years. While in Egypt he became acquainted with 
some of the occult sciences on which the Egyptians pride 
themselves. Afterward he returned to his country and, be- 
ing elated with the success of his magical performance, pro- 
claimed himself a God. This story of Pantherus, Celsus un- 
doubtedly derived from the Jews ; for as the Christians 
extolled the birth of Jesus, the Jews did what they could to 
degrade it. " You assert," continues the imaginary Jew, ad- 
dressing Jesus, "that when you weie baptized by John the 
figure of a bird lighted upon you twice. What responsible 
witness was there for this appearance ? Who heard the voice 
from heaven calling you the Son of God except yourself and 
a fellow criminal ? " He discredits the story of the wise men, 
and does not believe that Herod conspired against the chil- 
dren, or slew all the infants that had been born about this 

" The prophecies," says the supposed Jew, " upon which 
you base these claims apply to innumerable persons. On 
what ground do you refer them exclusively to yourself? 
You assert that you are the Son of God. Now every man 
born under divine providence is a son of God ; if so, in what 
can you differ from others ? Why did you go to Egypt when 
you were an infant ? Were you afraid of being slain ? But 
it is not natural for God to fear death. An angel came from 

•This assertion that .Jesus lived "only a few years ago " is used by some as au 
argument for assigning the earliest date to the writings of Celsus. 

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heaven and commanded you and your relatives to flee lest 
you should die. But could not the great God protect you 
where you were ? He had already sent two angels in your 
behalf. But suppose we admit that the stories propagated 
by your followers are true, in what do your performances 
differ from the performances of other jugglers ? " And Celsus 
goes on to tell some of the wonderful feats performed by the 
Egyptian jugglers for a few obols in the market place. 
They will impart knowledge of their most venerated arts, 
will drive out demons from men, expel disease and invoke 
the souls of heroes, exhibit extensive banquets, tables, and 
dishes and dainties having no real existence ; they will put 
in motion what are not really living animals, but which have 
only the appearance of life. And he asks, " Since then these 
persons can perform such feats, shall we of necessity conclude 
that they are Sons of God, or must we admit that they 
are the proceedings of wicked men under the influence of 
evil spirits ?" Celsus was evidently acquainted with the 
theosophy and spiritualism of his time. 

The supposed Jew then makes an appeal to his country- 
men. " How could we believe him to be a divine being, who 
never confirmed his assertions by any great work ; but after 
we had pronounced judgment against him and proceeded to 
arrest him, he most ignominiously concealed himself and was 
betrayed by those whom he called his disciples ? A God 
running away from his pursuers ! A God betrayed by those 
who regarded him as the solemn messenger of the great God ! 
Now if a person plotted against informs the conspirators that 
he knows all about their plans, they desist from executing 
those plans; but the alleged predictions of Jesus have no 
effect upon his disciples ; it shows that he never predicted 

The argument of Celsus was not of course directed against 
the human weakness of Jesus, but against the weakness of 
his supposed deity. It is sometimes assumed that the deifi- 
cation of Jesus was a later process ; but this work, in which it 
furnishes a central point of attack, shows how early the 
process began and how it had gone on. We see also that 
even one hundred and forty years after the death of Jesus 
there was no living tradition in regard to him. Celsus says : 
" Some of the believers, like drunken men who lay violent 
hands on themselves, have altered the original form of the 
gospel in three ways, in four ways, in many ways. The 

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prophecies which you have with reference to Jesus may apply 
with a greater degree of probability to ten thousand other 
men. The prophet announces a great potentate, a leader of 
nations and armies, not such a pestilent fellow. Such ob- 
scure sayings and misinterpretations do not prove the mani- 
festation of God and the Son of God." When we compare 
the quotations in the New Testament with their original 
setting in the Old, as Prof. C. H. Toy has done in his 
excellent book on " The New Testament Quotations," we see 
how strained is the application of these prophecies to Jesus, 
and how acutely Celsus has anticipated some of the results 
of modern criticism. 

Again, Celsus, wishing to identify the works of Jesus with 
similar works performed by magicians, exclaims, " Oh light ! 
Oh truth! He distinctly declares with his own voice, as 
yourselves have recorded, that others will come performing 
similar works by the power of one Satan. Jesus then does 
not deny that such works were done by wicked men and 
sorcerers. Is it not then ridiculous to conclude from the 
same works that the one is God and the other a sorcerer ? 
You say you believe in him because he predicted his own 
resurrection ; but others have predicted similar things for the 
purpose of deceiving stupid people. This was the case with 
Zamolxis in Scythia, the slave of Pythagoras and with 
Pythagoras himself in Italy, and with Rhampsinitus in 
Egypt and with Orpheus among the Odrysians and Protesi- 
laus in Thessaly and Hercules and Theseus. But the real 
thing to be considered is not what fables say, but whether a 
really dead man ever came to life again. Do you think that 
what you say of others is fiction, but that what you say of 
him is truth ? " Celsus points out here the vulnerable heel 
in all arguments which attempt to prove the divine origin of 
Christianity by appealing to its recorded miracles. What he 
asks is that Christians shall show as much respect for the 
miraculous claims of other religions as for their own. The 
special argument for miraculous Christianity falls to pieces 
before this one challenge, " Do you think that what you say 
of others is fiction, but what you say of him is truth ? " 

But he presses the Christians further when he asks them not 
to present myths and fables as if they were facts. We find 
in Celsus a marked anticipation of the science of comparar 
tive mythology, not of course in its details, but in its princi- 
ples. He saw that by the rapid idealization of those times, 

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in which the human mind embodied nature and humanity in 
poetic conceptions, the Christians and the Jews had a mythol- 
ogy as truly as the Greeks or the Egyptians. Taking it as 
mythology, Celsus had no fault to find. A myth to him 
presented no difficulty. He saw that myths bloom as freely 
from the human mind as blossoms on the trees, and that they 
grow in every variety of soil. If there were space it would 
be interesting to show the ease with which he matches a 
myth of the Christians with a myth of some other religion. 
But though he has no trouble with myths as such, he 
declines to accept them as historical facts. Whenever such 
claim is made, then he subjects it to a most searching exami- 
nation. With the humanity of Jesus he could have no 
quarrel, but with- the deification of Jesus he could have no 
peace. And he discovers with great acuteness the seams 
where the proper humanity of Jesus is welded on to his 
improper deity ; the inconsistency and contradiction of some- 
times ascribing to him human functions and then ascribing 
to him those which are divine. Jesus, as Celsus saw him in 
Christian representations, was an unnatural being. He did 
not do what might have been expected of a God, and the 
whole drama of his life as represented in Christian mythology 
was a mixture of incongruous elements. "According to 
you," says Celsus, " he could not help himself while living, 
but after he had died [when the presumption is that he 
would be still more helpless] he raised himself from the dead 
and showed the prints of the nails. But who saw this ? A 
distracted woman, or perhaps some of those engaged in the 
same system of delusion who had either dreamed so, owing 
to a peculiar state of the mind, or under the influence of a 
wandering imagination had formed an appearance according 
to their own wishes, wliich has been the case with number- 
less individuals." 

We see in this paragraph how far Celsus anticipated the 
view of Renan and Strauss in regard to the resurrection, de- 
claring that its truth rests upon the evidence of an hysterical 
woman, that the phenomenon of these appearances must be 
studied by the laws of psychology. Celsus would have re- 
ferred the matter to the Hellenic Society for Psychical Re- 
search. If the divinity of Jesus was to be tested in this way, 
he claims that Jesus ought to have showed himself after his 
resurrection to those who persecuted him and in general to 
all men, or, to have manifested his divinity, he ought to have 
disappeared from the cross. 

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u Now all these statements are taken from your own books : 
we need no further testimony ; you fall upon your own swords." 
And in another place Celsus in referring to the resurrection 
of Jesus says : " There came an angel to the tomb of this said 
being (according to some, one; according to others, two), 
who answered the woman that he had risen. For the Son of 
God could not himself, as it seems, open the tomb, but needed 
the help of another to roll away the stone." 

Celsus had read Homer, and the Homeric heroes do not 
generally get the gods to do things for them which they can 
do for themselves. 

Celsus has been speaking through the mouth of a supposed 
Jew (except in the last paragraph), but it is easy to see that 
there is a Greek mind behind the pen. He is more intent 
upon making a strong argument than in representing a con- 
sistent Jew. Origen does not fail to discover that it is anom- 
alous to have a Jew quoting Homer and Euripides. And 
occasionally the Jew says things wliich no Jew would be 
likely to say, unless he were a Sadducee or a Samaritan. 
Celsus is less fettered when he puts the supposed Jew aside 
and steps forth in his own person. But his method of argu- 
ment, though more direct, is essentially the same. Freed now 
from the trouble of impersonating the Jew, he can set Juda- 
ism and Christianity against each other. " The Jews and the 
Christians," he says, " most stupidly dispute with one another 
concerning the expected King of the Jews. One side main- 
tains that he has already come, while the other side denies 
the fact. The Jews being originally Egyptians, seceded from 
their nation and got up a religion of their own. The Chris- 
tians have done to them what they did to their ancestors, the 
Egyptians. Both are opposed to the religion of the empire." 
Then he points to the multiplied dissensions among Christians 
themselves. " At first their number was small and they were 
all of one mind ; but now that they are so numerous they are 
cut up into factions. They agree in one thing only, that is, 
the name, if indeed they agree in that." This was a descrip- 
tion of Christianity seventeen hundred years ago. Has the 
reproach lost any of its point to-day? 

" The Christians," he continues, " invent terrors and super- 
stitions to gam their power over man. They terrify their 
followers by threatening them with future punishments. 
Heaven forbid that either I or anybody else should ever re- 
ject the doctrine that the wicked shall be punished and the 

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just shall be rewarded after death. But the Christians assert 
this doctrine without proof. Why is it a foult to have studied 
the best opinions and to have both the reality and the appear- 
ance of wisdom? What hindrance does this offer to the 
knowledge of God ? Why should it not rather be an assist- 
ance and a means by which one may be better able to arrive 
at the truth? When a person is to be initiated into the 
other mysteries (that is, the heathen mysteries) the herald 
proclaims that where any one is pure in conduct, wise in 
speech, where any one Ls free from wickedness, and is not 
conscious of having committed any wicked act, let him come. 
But what do these men say to those who are invited to join 
them ? Whoever is a sinner, whoever Ls destitute of sense, 
whoever is foolish, and in general whoever is wretched, let 
the kingdom of heaven receive him. You say God was sent 
to sinners, but was he not also sent to the sinless ? Is sin- 
lessness a crime? According to you, God will receive the 
sinner if he humbles himself before him ; but will not receive 
a person that is righteous." 

Celsus then goes back to the Old Testament. He objects 
to the cosmogony of Moses, because it makes the universe 
only ten thousand years old, whereas the tmiverse is eternal. 
He finds in its myths opportunities for his favorite specula- 
tions in comparative mythology. In the story of the tower 
of Babel he sees but a perversion of the story of Otus and 
Ephialtes, who attempted to pile Ossa upon Olympus and 
Pelion upon Ossa. The story of the destruction of Sodom 
he compares to Phaethon burning the earth. Celsus's con- 
jectures in comparative mythology are not wilder than those 
of many who have lived in modern times. The interest that 
attaches to them is not that he succeeds in identifying such 
myths, but that he perceives that they spring from similar 
attitudes and exertions of the human mind. 

But he has no patience with literalism. " The Jews, an 
ignorant people, occupying a corner of Palestine, not knowing 
what Hesiod had written, wove together incredible and insipid 
stories, and imagined that God created with his own hands 
a certain man and a certain woman from his side; that 
this man received certain commands from God, and that a 
hostile serpent opposed these and gained a victory over the 
commandments of God. " God," he says with biting scorn, 
u could not persuade even one man. Such absurd stories are 
fit only for old women. They speak also of a deluge with a 

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monstrous ark having within it all things, and a dove and a 
crow as messengers, falsifying and ridiculously altering the 
story of Deucalion." 

It is somewhat humiliating in the midst of our nineteenth- 
century culture to reflect that the theology of Christendom is 
still founded on literal and materialistic interpretations of tins 
old Eden myth. It is but a few months since a professor in 
a Presbyterian theological seminary in the United States was 
arraigned and condemned by the courts of his denomination 
for teaching that Adam's body might have been derived from 
other animals instead of from the red earth of Eden. And it 
is but a year or two since a preacher to the University of Ox- 
ford was summoned before six omniscient doctors of theology 
on the charge of heresy concerning the fall of Adam. Celsus 
on the other hand thought that the Opliites, a heretical 
Christian sect of his time, very justly denounced the charac- 
ter of the God of the Old Testament because he pronounced 
a curse upon the serpent who introduced the first human be- 
ing to a knowledge of good and evil. 

This cultivated and refined Platonist constantly rebels 
against Jewish anthropomorphism. It was too coarse and 
materialistic. But Origen did not like it any better. He 
himself was poetic and allegorical in his interpretation, too 
much so to be orthodox in his day or orthodox in ours. 
The modern sciences of geology and astronomy have demon- 
strated the impossibility of taking the cosmogony of Genesis 
as in any sense a history of the creation of the world. It was 
comparatively easy work for Mr. Huxley to vanquish Glad- 
stone when he rashly undertook to defend the inspiration of 
that account. But without the modern sciences at his com- 
mand, Celsus could have done it almost as well. " The most 
stupid thing," he says, " about the Mosaic cosmogony is the 
introduction of days before the creation of the sun. As the 
heaven was not yet created, nor the foundation of the earth 
laid, nor the sun yet revolving, how could there be days ? " 

In exposing the untenable character of the Christian doctrine 
of the resurrection, Celsus again plants himself on scientific 
ground. As a Platonist he believed in an absolute God of 
pure spirit, and that matter was evil. In this latter respect 
he stands far apart from modern scientific thought. And 
yet in dealing with matter he anticipates a fundamental 
modern scientific doctrine in regard to it. He advances as a 
sufficient argument against the resurrection of the body the 

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fact that " there is no difference between the body of a bat or 
of a worm or of a frog and that of a man ; for the matter is 
the same and their corruptible part is alike ; a common nature 
pervades all these bodies, and one which goes and returns 
through the same recurring changes." In his " New Astron- 
omy " Prof. S. P. Langley calls attention to the shelf in 
South Kensington Museum which contains in various jars 
and vials an exhibition of the materials of which the human 
body is composed. " They suggest not merely the com- 
plexity of our constitutions, but the identity of our elements 
with those we have found by the spectroscope ; not alone in 
the sun, but even in the distant stars and nebulae. We have 
literally within our own bodies samples of the most important 
elements of which the great universe without is composed ; 
and you and I are not only like each other and brothers in 
humanity, but children of the sun and stars in a more literal 
sense, having bodies actually made in large part of the same 
things that make Sirius and Aldebaran. They and we are 
near relatives." This seems but a modern reproduction of 
the thought of Celstis ; and we find Origen in unfolding and 
paraphrasing the idea saying : " It is evident from what has 
been said that not only does a common nature pervade these 
bodies which have been previously enumerated (that is, bats, 
frogs, worms, and men), but the heavenly bodies as well." 
And Origen adds, " If this be the case, it is clear also accord- 
ing to Celsus (although I do not know whether it is accord- 
ing to the truth) that it is one nature which goes and re- 
turns through all bodies amid recurring changes." 

Exposing then the irrational character of the doctrine of 
the resurrection, Celsus says, " It is folly on their part to 
suppose that when God, as if he were a cook, introduces the 
fire which is to consume the world, all the rest of the 
human race will be burned up while they alone will remain, 
not only such of them which are alive, but also those who are 
long since dead, which later will arise from the earth clothed 
with the self-same flesh. Such a hope is simply one which 
might be cherished by worms." 

It has been maintained by some that the primitive Chris- 
tians held only to a spiritual resurrection, that the doctrine 
of the bodily resurrection was of much later growth. But it 
is clear that at the time of Celsus it was a firmly established 
doctrine of Christian sects, although Celsus with fairminded- 
ness adds : " This opinion of yours is not shared by some of 

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the Christians, and they pronounce it to lie exceedingly vile 
and loathsome and impossible ; for what kind of a body is that 
which without being completely corrupted can return to its 
original nature, to that same first condition out of which it 
fell into dissolution? Being unable to return any answer, 
they betake themselves to a most absurd refuge, viz.: that all 
things are passible with God. And yet he cannot do things 
that are disgraceful ; nor does he wish to do things that are 
contrary to his nature ; nor if (in accordance with the wicked- 
ness of your own heart) you desire anything that was evil 
would God accomplish it; nor must you believe that it will 
\ye done. For God does not rule the world in order to 
satisfy inordinate desires, or to allow disorder and confusion, 
but to govern a nature which is upright and just. For the 
soul indeed he might be able to provide everlasting life, 
while dead bodies on the contrary are, as Heraclitus ol)serves, 
more worthless than dung. God is the reason of all tlungs 
that exist, and therefore can do nothing either contrary* to 
reason or contrary to himself." 

There is another very interesting series of passages which 
show still further anticipations of modern scientific thought. 
Celsus blames the Christians for asserting that God made all 
things for the sake of man, and especially for the sake of 
Christians ; and he enters into an argument to show that 
considering man with reference to his place in nature it can- 
not be maintained that all things exist mainly for him. His 
arguments and illustrations are so suggestive of some phases 
of the modern theory of evolution in their relation to teleol- 
ogy that Pelagaud after reading it says : tfc Who would have 
expected to find in a Pagan of the second century- almost a 
precursor of Darwin?" And Kind, a German writer, has 
written a monograph on this phase of CelsusV work, * 4 Te- 
leologie und Naturalismus in der altchristlichen Zeit." " Rain, 
thunder, and lightning," argues Celsus, "are brought into ex- 
istence not more for the support of us who are human beings 
than for that of plants, trees, herlis, and thorns. By lal>or 
and suffering man earns a scanty and toilsome sulisistence, 
while all things are produced for animals without their sow- 
ing and ploughing. If one were to call us the lords of the 
animal creation because we hunt the other animals and live 
upon their flesh, why should not we say that we were created 
on their account since they hunt and devour us? Men re- 
quire weapons and dogs when they engage in the chase ; but 

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animals are provided with weapons winch easily hring us 
into their power." Celsns pushes his argument so far and 
with such bold and ingenious paradox that when he is through 
one feels that instead of merely placing animals on a level 
with man he has almost put them above him. To show that 
animals are not without the power of social organization and 
that they possess an endowment of reason he draws an argu- 
ment from the habits of ants and bees which is clever enough 
for Sir John Lubbock. "If one were to look down from 
heaven upon the earth," he asks, " in what respect would our 
actions appear to differ from those of ants and bees?" It is 
interesting to note, as we are comparing Celsus 's ideas with 
phases of modern thought, that Prof. Langley,* in the 
work already alluded to, uses almost the same illustration. 
" Look down at one of the nests of those smaller ants which 
are made in our paths. To the little people we may suppose 
the other side of the gravel walk Is the other side of the 
world, and the ant who has been as far as the gate, a greater 
traveller than a man who comes back from the Indies. It is 
veiy hard to think not only of ourselves as relatively far 
smaller than such insects, but less than such an ant-hill is to 
the whole landscape is our solar system itself in comparison 
with the new prospect before us ; yet so it is. What use is 
it," he continues, " to write down a long series of figures ex- 
pressing the magnitude of other worlds, if it leaves us with 
the old sense of the importance to creation of our own ; and 
what use to describe their infinite number to a human mite 
who reads and remains of the opinion that he is the object 
they were all created for?" 

It is a very large and beautiful view of providence into 
which Celsus emerges: "All things therefore were not made 
for man any more than they were made for lions or eagles or 
dolphins. All things have been adjusted not with reference 
to each other \ but with regard to their bearing upon the whole. 
God takes care of the whole, and his providence will never 
forsake it. It does not become worse, nor does God after a 
time bring it back to himself, 'nor is he angry on account of 
man any more than on account of apes and flies, nor does he 
threaten these beings each one of which has received its ap- 
pointed lot in its proper place. Each individual thing comes 
into existence and passes away for the sake of the safety of 
the whole." It will be seen that Celsus is not a disbeliever 

••' The New Astronomy. " Chapter on the stars, page 223. 

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in providence, but that his view of it is large enough to in- 
clude the whole universe in its operation. And here is a 
striking passage which shows how far he is from pessimism : 
" God does not need to amend his work afresh. Although a 
thing may seem to you evil, it is by no means certain that it 
is so. For you do not know what is of advantage to your- 
self or to another or to the whole world." 

That Celsus was not a mere narrow-minded cynic, but a 
man of broad religious sympathies, is seen in his views of 
comparative religion. And here again I find one of the 
most interesting anticipations of modern thought. Col. T. 
W. Higginson has written a broad and catholic essay on the 
" Sympathy of Religions ; " but the very roots of his thought 
are found in the " True Discourse." Its author might be called 
a Broad Church Pagan. His breadth of conception is seen 
in the earnestness with which he repels all Jewish exclusive- 
ness. u It is absurd," he says, " to claim that the Jews are 
the chosen people of God alone." He has already shown 
that the Egyptians and Colchians also practised circumcision, 
and that if abstinence from swine's flesh is meritorious, 
the Egyptians not only do this, but abstain from the flesh of 
goats, sheep, oxen, and fish as well. He declares it is not 
probable that the Jews enjoy God's favor or are loved by 
him differently from others ; or that angels were sent from 
heaven to them alone. In the Egyptians, the Persians, and 
the Indians he sees equal evidences of inspiration. He re- 
proaches the Christians with setting no value on heathen 
oracles, while those which are uttered in Judea they think 
are marvellous. " Grant that Jesus is a messenger from 
God, is he the first one who came to men, or were there 
others before him? If God, like Jupiter in the comedy, on 
awakening from a lengthened slumber, desired to rescue the 
human race from evil, why did he send tliis spirit of which 
you speak into one corner ? He ought to have breathed it 
alike into many bodies and then sent them out into all the 

Celsus did not believe in the need of a special incarnation, 
that the great God of the universe needed to come down and 
take upon himself human flesh in order to mend the affairs 
of the world. The general order of providence was sufficient 
for its management. But if there was to be an incarnation 
he claimed that it should be universal. The name of God 
and the form in which he was worshipped were of less impor- 

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tance to him than the idea of God beneath all symbols. " I 
think it makes no difference," he says, " whether you call the 
highest being Zeus or Zen, or Adonai, or Sabaoth, or Amoun 
like the Egyptians, or Pappseus like the Scythians." He 
finds in this unity in diversity an argument for observing the 
established laws and the religion of the country in which one 
has been raised. " There are very great differences," he re- 
marks, "prevailing among the nations, yet each seems to 
deem its own religion far the best." To show the effect 
of inherited custom he tells a story which he quotes from 
Herodotus. Among the Indians there are some who deem 
that they are discharging a holy duty in eating their deceased 
fathers. Darius during his reign having summoned before 
him those Greeks who happened to be present, asked them 
what would induce them to eat their deceased fathers. They 
answered with abhorrence that for no consideration would 
they do such a thing. Then Darius turned to the Callatians, 
the parent eaters, and asked them through an interpreter 
how many of them would be willing to have their deceased 
fathers burned ; on which they raised a terrible shout and 
bade the king say no more. Such is the way in which such 
matters are regarded. Pindar appears to me to be right in 
saying that " Law is the king of all things." Later on Cel- 
sus shows that it is unreasonable to suppose that all people 
must act under one religious law. The belief of Origen, on 
the other hand, was that Christianity would eventually pre- 
vail over the entire rational creation. 

Long as this paper is, it must leave undeveloped many 
points in the argument of the author of the "True Dis- 
course." In representing Ms anticipations of modern 
thought, we have naturally brought out those ideas which are 
most interesting to the thought of our time. And it is im- 
portant to notice that where Celsus joins the thought of our 
age, it is on its most progressive side. But pleasing as this 
comparison is, we must not forget that he wrote primarily for 
his own age. He had a mission then and there to fulfil. He 
might, however, have found some support for his own view 
that history revolves in cycles, in the fact that the conditions 
under which he wrote are paralleled to some extent in our 
own day. That was an age of intellectual, religious, and so- 
cial revolution. And so is ours. If we were to point out 
three prominent aspects of the spirit of our own age, we 
might distinguish: 

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1. The rise of the modern critical and scientific spirit in 
the midst of an age of credulity. 

2. A period of world-wide social revolution exhibited in a 
protest or revolt against the established order. 

3. A profound revolution in religious thought accom- 
panied by an ethical revival, a fresh enthusiasm for the appli- 
cation of the law of righteousness and love to human so- 
ciety. So when Celsus wrote we might discover, with more 
or less distinctness and in varying proportions, the existence 
of these same elements : the scientific and critical spirit, a re- 
ligious revolution marked by a new social theory, and a fresh 
ethical enthusiasm. In Celsus we see the scientific spirit; in 
Christianity, the social revolution and the ethical enthusiasm. 
How much Celsus felt the pressure of the scientific spirit of 
his day is seen in the wonderful facility with which he ap- 
plied it. We cannot suppose that he was the only embodi- 
ment of its influence. It was the spirit which Lucian di- 
rected as effectually against Paganism as Celsus had against 
Christianity; for Paganism needed its application just as 
much. The fact that Lucian mentions a friend of his, Cel- 
sus by name, who wrote a treatise against magic, has led to a 
strife among critics as to whether this Celsus is the same as 
the author of the " True Discourse." The difficulty has 
been that the two men do not stand on the same plane of 
thought and religion. But Keim advances the very natural 
supposition that the two men, Lucian and Celsus, the one an 
Epicurean and the other a Platonist, and both representing 
the highest type of Greek culture, joined hands in this crisis 
to combat Ihe superstitions of their age. In this work the 
scientific and rational method was a powerful weapon. But 
in Celsus we see a man who could apply the scientific spirit 
without losing his own faith ; who could exhibit the unten- 
able character of the Hebrew and Christian cosmogony, and 
yet l>elieve in the divine origin of the world; who could as- 
sail the doctrine of the bodily resurrection, and still believe 
in the immortality of the soul; who could dispute the deity 
of Jesus, and still believe that there were messengers or spir- 
its from God to men; who could, like Theodore Parker, un- 
sparingly satirize the materialism of the Hebrew-Christian 
God, and still believe in a pure, spiritual theism. 

But if Celsus uses the critical or rationalistic method, it is 
not as an end, but as a weapon. He was about to follow it 
with an ethical appeal. Far more than the pressure of the 

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scientific spirit did he feel the pressure of the social revolu- 
tion and the political danger. He sees the rise of what he 
regards as a secret organization without any national char- 
acter, without unity in itself, a hodge-podge of quarrelling 
sects. It had its origin among a lot of Galilean fishermen. 
It is distinguished by arrogance and ignorance. It is hostile 
to the temples and symbols of the ancient religion. It dei- 
fies man ; it is a hotbed of superstition. It is the Salvation 
Army of his day, and Celsus does not see any salvation in it. 
Viewed from the lofty height of Platonism, it is atheistic and 
materialistic. As Pelagaud, comparing it with our own time, 
has said, Celsus might have adopted for his treatise the title 
used by a modern writer, " Atheism and the Social Peril." If 
it sounds strange to us to hear him stigmatize Christians as 
atheists or non-atheists, we may cool our indignation by re- 
flecting that Christians in their controvesies with each other 
have visited similar reproaches upon the heads of their oppo- 
nents. But standing in the position in which he did, it is 
not strange that this Pagan should have been blinded a little 
by the mote in his own eye. He looked upon Christianity as 
an American Christian may look at Mormonism, as something 
which religiously and politically is opposed to the genius of 
American institutions, as a deluded lot of ignorant people 
setting up a hierarchy of their own. But he hopes that they 
will listen to the voice of reason. 

His eloquent appeal to the Christians in behalf of the 
established order of government and religion is most com- 
pletely given in the seventh and eighth books of Origen's 
reply. Previously Celsus has stood in sharp antagonism to 
the Christians. But now his tone is one of reconciliation. 
His apology for Pagan idolatry is that which a cultivated 
man would make. He shows that the Christians are un- 
reasonable in their opposition to images, which are after ail 
only symbols. "For who, unless he be utterly childish in 
his simplicity, can take these for gods and not for offerings 
consecrated to the service of the gods or images representing, 
them. The Christians do not discriminate. But the Chris- 
tians say that the beings to whom they are dedicated are 
not gods but demons, and that worshippers of God ought not 
to worship demons." Celsus explains : all things are ordered 
according to God's will ; his providence governs all things ; 
everything which happens in the universe, whether it be the 
work of angels or other demons or of heroes, is regulated by 

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the will of the mast high God. He believes that God has 
assigned to the lower order of agencies, popularly called gods 
or demons, various departments of authority and activity and 
various nationalities. Jesus, he remarks, said, " No man can 
worship two masters." But Celsus submits whether it is 
not just that he who worships God should serve those also 
to whom God has assigned such power. His argument is 
simply the divine right of kings applied to an order of 
invisible beings. In honoring the king you do not dishonor 
God ; and in honoring one of the king's officers you do not 
dishonor the king. The way in which he reproaches the 
Christians with inconsistency will be interesting to modem 
Unitarians : " If those people worshipped one God alone and 
no other, they would perhaps have some valid argument 
against the worship of others ; but they pay excessive rever- 
ence to one who has but lately appeared among men, and 
they think it no offence against God if they worship also his 
servant." His argument is essentially : " If you are going to 
worship Jesus, why can you not pay respect to the other 
heroes and messengers? What is to hinder thase who are 
most devoted to the service of Jesus from taking part in 
various public offices ? " 

That Celsus was not a man without faith in the prevailing 
religion is shown in his earnest defence of oracles. It might 
almost be published to-day by Dr. Wallace as a defence of 
modern spiritualism. And Origen accuses him of being 
quite as superstitious in his way as the Christians. But 
Origen here, as often before, misses the point. Celsus does 
not disbelieve in spiritual communication and what we call the 
supernatural ; but to him there is no gap l>etween the 
natural and the supernatural ; it is all a part of a divine 
order. But in another passage he does not hesitate to warn 
people against being too much influenced by the demonology 
and the spiritualism of the day, to the neglect of higher 
things. After reading this passage, we have thought it 
possible that Celsus might have written the book against the 
magic of which Lucian speaks. Celsus has first used the 
similiarity of Christianity to other religions to show that it 
cannot establish exclusive claims to inspiration. Now he 
uses the same fact to urge a reconciliation with the pre- 
vailing religion. " Just as you believe in punishment after 
death, so do the priests who interpret the sacred mysteries. 
The same punishments with which you threaten others, they 

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threaten you. It is worthy of examination which of the two 
is more firmly established as true, for both parties contend 
with equal assurance that the truth is on their side." Celsus 
is tolerant ; he is willing to submit everything to the tests of 
reason and examination. In an earlier part of his work (6, 42) 
he has attacked the Christian doctrine of the devil, and 
expresses his opinion that it is the devil who ought to be 
punished rather than those who are deceived by him. But 
he declares his own conviction that those who live well in 
this life shall be blest in the next, while the unrighteous 
shall be punished hereafter. From that doctrine he hopes 
that neither Christians nor others will swerve. We are 
reminded here of the words of Paul : " Tribulation and 
anguish upon every soul of man who does evil ; but glory, 
honor, and peace to every man who worketh good." He 
brings out his own lofty view of God : " Of him are all 
things. He is not to be reached by word. He cannot be 
expressed by name." He quotes substantially from Plato : 
" It is a hard matter to find the maker and the father of this 
universe. And after having found him it is impossible to 
make him known to all. But wise men endeavor to set before 
us that which it is impossible to express in words." There 
is another passage in which he says : " Truth is the object of 
knowledge, and if you think that the divine spirit has de- 
scended from God to announce divine things to man, it is 
doubtless this same spirit that reverences the truths. It was 
under the same influence that men of old made known many 
important truths." (Origen was much impressed by the 
passage and confesses that Celsus has a glimpse of truth.) 
Again he says in a noble sentence, " We must never in any 
way lose our hold of God, whether by day or night, whether 
in public or in secret, whether in word or in deed, in what- 
ever we do or abstain from doing." 

Advising them to shun deceivers and jugglers, he has a 
beautiful passage about seeing God : " If instead of exercis- 
ing the senses alone you look upward with the soul ; if, turn- 
ing away the eye of the body, you open the eye of the mind, 
thus and thus only will you be able to see God." Only once 
has this been said any better. It was by the very man whom 
Celsus misunderstood. Jesus put it in ten Greek words: 
" Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God." 

These are the words of a deeply reverent soul. They 
show that the keenness of the satire with which he repudiates 

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the deity of Jesus is only because of the purity of his own 
idea of God. And when he finds a lofty place from which 
undisturbed by passion or sensuality he may contemplate 
God it is side by side with Jesus in the sermon on the mount. 
Celsus was nearer to Jesus than he himself knew ; and if he 
had published the book of practical rules of life which he 
promised, or if it had been preserved to us, might we not 
have found it to be the sermon on the mount translated from 
the dialect of Jesus into the language of Plato ? 

Celsus then earnestly exhorts Christians to fulfil their 
duties to religion and the State. " It is our duty to protect 
what has been enacted for the public advantage. Christians 
can make a choice between two alternatives, either to render 
service to the gods and respect those who are set over this 
service, or else let them not come to manhood or marry 
wives or have children or take any share in the affairs of 
life, but let them depart hence with all speed and leave no 
posterity behind them. If, on the other hand, they will take 
wives and bring up children, and taste the fruits of the earth, 
and partake of the blessings of life and bear its appointed 
sorrows, — for nature herself has allotted sorrows to all men, 
for sorrows must exist, and earth is the only place for them, — 
then must they discharge the duties of life until they are 
released from its bonds." To show that he does not ask the 
Christians to do anything wrong or impious he says : " If any 
worshipper of God should be ordered to do anything impious 
or to say anything base, such a command should be in no 
wise regarded ; but we must encounter all kinds of treatment 
or submit to any kind of death rather than say or even think 
anything unworthy of God. But if any one commands you 
to celebrate the sun or to sing a joyful triumphal song in 
praise of Minerva, you will by celebrating their praises seem 
to render the highest praise to God ; for piety in extending 
to all things becomes more perfect." 

If the opinion of Keim and the majority of modern critics 
that Celsus wrote about 177-8 be accepted, his work ap- 
peared about the time that Marcus Aurelius was engaged in 
the second Marcomanic war. This affords an explanation of 
the strenuousness with which Celsus urges Christians to 
come to the help of the emperor. " Help the king with all 
your might ; labor with him in the maintenance of the laws 
and the support of religion." 

It is with this patriotic appeal that Celsus closes his re- 

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markable work. The question which may be passing through 
the mind of the reader is, how much of the argument of this 
brilliant Greek remains valid to-day ? But there is a previous 
question : How much did Origen himself refute ? According 
to some of the church theologians, Origen annihilated hiin 
root and branch. Froude, on the other side, does not do jus- 
tice to the intellectual strength of Origen when he compares 
liim to a pigmy in the hands of a giant. Origen was no 
pigmy, not even when measured against Celsus. We must 
not forget that while Celsus attacked Christianity on its 
weakest and worst side, Origen stands for Christianity on its 
strongest and best side. He had some advantages of position. 
He was given to what in the orthodox circles of our day, in- 
deed in those of his own day, were considered dangerous 
speculations. But his heresy was only a help to him in 
answering a man like Celsus. Nevertheless, with all his 
breadth and learning he was no match for his opponent, simply 
because the Pagan had first choice of position, and he chose 
it so well that seventeen centuries have not succeeded in dis- 
lodging him. Then as now there was no unity in the Chris- 
tian body, and it was not possible to say which branch of the 
Cliristian sects was best entitled to the Christian name. 
Occasionally Celsus attacks a belief which has dropped out of 
sight because the sect that represented it has perished ; but 
that he did succeed in getting at the beliefs which are 
common to the Christians is evident from the fact that the 
tlungs which he attacks are held by the largest number of 
Christians to-day. In answering his complaint that the Chris- 
tians worshipped Jesus as well as the Father, Origen brings 
out his own heresy of subordination and says: "Grant that 
there may be some individuals among the multitudes of be- 
lievers who are not in entire agreement with us, and who in- 
cautiously assert that the Saviour is the Most High God, 
however, we do not hold with them, but rather believe liim 
when he says : 4 The Father, who sent me, is greater than I.' " 
Sometimes Origen completely misses the point of Celsus and 
actually strengthens his argument, as when he tells him that 
he need not complain of the Christians for believing in ap- 
pearances after death, because there are many instances re- 
corded by the Greeks themselves of persons having risen from 
the tomb. If Celsus could himself have risen from the tomb 
after reading this reply of Origen he might have said : " Well, 
my dear man, that is just what I have been telling you." 

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The very point of Celsus's argument was that these phe- 
nomena were not the special property of Christianity. 

Again, Origen sometimes quoted the prophecies of the Old 
Testament as if they were evidences of the very fulfilment 
which is disputed. He is far above much of the gross literal- 
ism which Celsus attacks. In replying to the demand of 
evidence that the dove descended upon Jesus, he treats it 
simply as a waking dream, a subjective impression. He thus 
unconsciously applies the same method which Celsus applied 
to the resurrection of Jesus when the Pagan suggests that that 
may have been a waking dream of a distracted woman. The 
story of Eve's creation from a rib of Adam, Origen considers 
to be simply allegorical, and asks whether the Christians shall 
not have the privilege of allegorizing their scriptures as well as 
the Greeks. In regard to the ark, he readily admits that ac- 
cording to the general opinion of its dimensions it was impos- 
sible that it could contain all the animals that were upon the 
earth. But by a process of allegorical mathematics he con- 
cludes that the ark was ninety thousand cubite long, twenty-live 
hundred cubits in breadth, that it was as big as a whole city. 
Such an argument would have made Celsus smile in his tomb. 

The intellectual insufficiency of Origen's argument is 
everywhere apparent. Where then does its strength lie? 
Wholly on its ethical side. Here Origen is simply impreg- 
nable. He chose his position with an instinct as unerring as 
that of Celsus, and we may say of him as of the Pagan, that 
sixteen hundred and fifty years have not dislodged him. 
The unanswerable fact with Origen is that Christianity con- 
verts multitudes from a life of wickedness to one of virtue, from 
cowardice to courage. He points to the moral reformation 
wliich Christianity wrought in the homes and in the cities 
over which it had obtained sway. The churches of God are 
moral beacons in the world. Origen could not prove against 
Celsus that Christianity was the way, he could not prove that 
it was the truth, but he could prove that it was the life. 
Standing on the moral side, Origen was invincible, and 
Froude, though not doing full justice to his intellectual power, 
confesses his moral strength. Origen was too great a man 
to deny moral power to the other religions. He confesses 
Celsus had glimpses of truth, and after the Pagan has quoted 
some beautiful precepts of Plato against injustice, Origen 
cannot withhold his assent, and says : "It is no objection to 
the principles of Christianity that the same things were said 

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by the Greeks." But Plato, he says, addressed only the culti- 
vated few; Jesus adapted himself to the common people. 
Plato spoke in abstract terms ; Jesus in concrete. He thus 
admits that Christianity stands on the same ethical basis as 
Judaism and Platonism, but finds its moral mission to be to 
the whole world. 

In this magnificent duel, the first ever fought in the arena 
of Christianity, we see the combatants pausing now and then 
to clasp each other's hands. It is the same light of the spirit 
which plays over their swords. Externally they stood in 
irreconcilable positions. Christianity could not then exchange 
its symbols for those of Paganism. Its democratic heritage 
stood opposed to the aristocracy of the empire. But when 
each of these men leaves his metaphysics and the forms of 
his philosophy and comes down to the universal principles of 
religion and the universal principles of ethics, then they 
stand side by side. It is Origen who joins the hand of Plato 
with the hand of Jesus, it is Origen who, recognizing the 
diffusion of the divine word even before the advent of Jesus, 
says, " For no noble deed has ever been performed amongst 
men where the divine word did not visit the souls of those 
who were capable of it." Throughout, Origen is as sweet 
and magnanimous as the religion he defends, and the very 
last sentence he writes is to request Ambrose to send him the 
book of Celsus on " Practical Living," "if Celsus ever carried 
out his intention of writing it ; that we may answer it as the 
father of truth may give us ability, and either overthrow the 
false teachings that may be in it, or, laying aside all jealousy, 
we may testify our approval of whatever truth it may 

One thing let us remember to the everlasting credit of 
Celsus, that the weapon he used against Christianity was a 
pen and not a sword. There is not a hint of persecution in 
his treatise. He summons these Christian socialists to the 
ordeal of laughter, to the bar of truth. Would that Chris- 
tianity had never employed any harsher weapon than the 
pointed pen of this Pagan ! It is Christianity which comes 
with dyed garments from Bozrah ; and the blood that stains 
them is that of her own children. 

Could we bring Origen and Celsus together again to-day, 
which one of the twain would be more surprised ? Origen 
would be delighted to find how the little grain of seed had 
grown and spread into the heavens ; but would he not feel a 

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little hurt to find his own effigy hanging like a criminal from 
one of its boughs? This noble and sweet defender of the 
Christian faith assailed by the councils of the Christian 
church ; branded as a schismatic by the Roman pope in 498 ; 
while Protestant Luther joins his curses in sonorous Latin to 
the anathemas of the church ? Would he not be amazed to 
find in the nineteenth century that a vigorous branch of the 
Christian church refuses to send men to India to Breach the 
gospel to the heathen because they believe in the possible 
salvation of deceased Pagans? But imagine his astonish- 
ment at learning that a few years before our own age a great 
subject of discussion was not the salvation of the heathen, 
but whether he himself had been saved or not; that several 
books had been written on this burning question, and one of 
their authors (Picus Mirandulanus) had magnanimously con- 
cluded that, on the whole, it was more rational to believe that 
Origen was saved than that he was lost. 

And what would Celsus find ? That the empire in whose 
defence he wrote had broken into fragments ; that its religion 
had gone with it ; that the Greek language in which he wrote 
had ceased to be the principal medium of modern thought ; 
that the religion of these fishermen and cobblers had nomi- 
nally taken possession of Europe and a hemisphere to him un- 
known. But with his keen discernment he would see that 
the victory was not one for Christianity alone. Paganism 
had its share of the spoils. Celsus could go into a Roman 
Catholic Church cathedral and find in its priestly service 
enough of Paganism to make him feel quite at home. He 
could see that the Pagan doctrine of demons had been trans- 
mitted into the Christian doctrine of angels, and the virgin 
Mary transferred from the Grecian Pantheon into the Chris- 
tian. He might say, " Well, Origen, how could your Chris- 
tianity have conquered so much of the world without the 
help of Paganism, its symbols and its sword?" Origen 
would be forced to confess that monotheism after all could 
hold a good deal of polytheism. And Celsus might add : 
" You see, Origen, that after all Christianity has spread over 
relatively but a small portion of the globe. In the vast sec- 
tion of the East it has scarcely made a dent on the globe. 
Much of that which you call Christianity is nothing but the 
result of political conquest. How can Christianity conquer 
the world when it has no unity in itself ? " 

Celsus himself, too, would be obliged to confess humbly 

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to the presiding genius of human history that he was mis- 
taken in supposing that notliing good could come out of 
Nazareth ; for civil and intellectual liberty had been the 
final outcome of the ancient communism. In the light of 
history he would be forced to abandon his position that God 
would not be likely to send down his spirit to a low-born 
Galilean peasant. He would be impelled perhaps to seek 
some extant copy of his work, that he might add to it a foot- 
note that the saviour of the American Republic was a man 
born in a log-cabin. If it were humiliating to find that not 
a single copy of his own work existed, that it was only to 
be found scattered in patches through the work of an op- 
ponent, he would still have this consoling reflection : " The 
empire has gone ; my book has gone ; but my thought still 
lives, and was never more living than it is to-day." He 
might point to scores of modern works, to Socinus, Erasmus, 
Priestley's " Corruptions of Christianity," Channing's "Moral 
Argument against Calvinism," to the works of the English 
Deists, to Theodore Parker's " Discourses," to Bishop Co- 
lenso, to Huxley and Darwin, all of whom, together with 
an endless number of German critics, have repeated with ex- 
cusable plagiarism some of the points of his indictment 
against popular Christianity and its conception of the uni- 

What part of liis argument might Celsus justly claim as 
still valid to-day ? 

1. His arraignment of the deification of Jesus. 

2. His scientific objections to the doctrine of the resur- 
rection of the body. 

3. His demonstration on scientific grounds of the unten- 
ability of the Mosaic cosmogony. 

4. His exhibition of the mythical character of the Eden 
legends on which Christian theology is built. 

5. His argument that the Hebrew prophecies were not 
fulfilled in Jesus of Nazareth. 

6. His belief that mythology was a comparative science, 
and that Jewish and Christian mythology must be tested by 
the same laws which are applied to the mythology of other 

7. His claim that the miracles of Christianity must be 
tried by the tests which we apply to all similar manifestations. 

8. His protest against the claims of Judaism or Chris- 
tianity to exclusive inspiration. 

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9. His claim that Jesus must be regarded not as a special 
incarnation of God, but as one of many messengers sent 
for the inspiration and guidance of mankind. 

10. His recognition of a universal basis and a universal 
inspiration for all religions. 

These seem to us but modern reaffirmations of the thought 
of Celsus. 

If we ask what is still valid in Origen's refutation, we 
shall find it not in his allegories, not in his philosophy, not 
in his speculations, not in his tedious exegesis, but in his 
claim that the moral fruits of Christianity are the best vin- 
dication of its place in human history. The divinity of any 
religion is best shown in its worth to humanity. Not through 
its metaphysics, but through its ethics, has Christianity 
reached the heart of men. 

Here they stand, the living thought of Celsus and the 
living moral faith of Origen ; and the revolution that is going 
on in Christianity to-day is simply the attempt to reconcile 
the intellectual and scientific rationalism of Celsus with the 
moral faith of Origen. 

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The origins of Direct Legislation are veiled in the mists 
of antiquity. On the one side they reach back to the 
ancient Greek and Latin civic assemblies of freemen ; on the 
other to the Teutonic Landsgemeinden, still surviving in 
the mountain cantons of Switzerland and .revived in the 
New England town meeting. 

But in its modern form of a demand for the Initiative and 
Referendum in communities too large to have direct legisla- 
tion by town meeting, it is a growth of the last half century. 
It has been developed and firmly rooted in the model republic 
of Europe, Switzerland. Half a century ago Switzerland 
was not a nation, but a loosely federated group of states, 
wrenched by a bitter civil war, rent by violent religious 
prejudices, torn by class feelings and race antipathies ; to-day 
it is a nation bound together by self-government. Vice-Presi- 
dent Hammer said recently of his country : " Never has our 
country been so united. Never have our resources been 
more abundant nor its military force more considerable and 
better organized." 

The movement in Switzerland for the Initiative and 
Referendum, while it had its roots in the Landsgemeinden 
of the mountain cantons, in the Volksanfragen or popular 
consultations established in Zurich and Berne in the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries, and in the fact that the members of 
the Swiss Diet up to 1848 could only vote ad referendum, — 
subject to ratification, — yet did not fairly show itself above 
ground till after the civil war of the Sonderbund and the 
adoption of the first national constitution in 1848. That 
constitution provided for its own ratification by the people, 
and also provided that the cantonal constitutions should be 
"according to republican forms, representative or demo- 
cratic," and that they should be " ratified by the people and 
may be amended whenever the absolute majority of all the 

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citizens demand it." The three men who did the most to 
crystallize democratic public opinion at that, time were the 
two Frenchmen, Louis Blanc and Emile Girardin, and the 
German, Martin Rittinghausen. The latter for years wrote 
and published, travelled and spoke, particularly in Germanic 
Switzerland. His writings are valuable to-day. 

Various of the cantons went on changing their constitu- 
tions, ever making them more democratic ; but the next great 
registration of this democratic movement was in 1869, when 
the canton of Zurich adopted a new constitution by which 
the Grand Council of that State ceased to possess legislative 
powers. They could frame laws, but they could not pass 
them. This is the obligatory Referendum, that all laws 
passed by the law-making body shall be sent to the vote of 
the people for acceptance or rejection. The people alone are 
sovereign. As a necessary correlative to this, the Initiative 
was adopted. This is the power of a group of voters to ef- 
fectively propose laws independently of the law-making body, 
which, after discussion in the law-making body and among 
the people, are finally voted on by the people. 

The man who was the most influential in the drafting and 
adoption of this constitution was Charles Burkly of Zurich, 
who has served his country in many capacities, but in none 
more signally than in his work for Direct Legislation. He is 
living, a hale and 'hearty man of seventy-three, and is still 
actively corresponding and writing on Direct Legislation, 
and serving in his city's Grand Council. He has been well 
called the Father of the Referendum. 

Here a point and there another, the other cantons and the 
Federal Government have followed the lead of Zurich until 
now Direct Legislation is imbedded in the federal constitu- 
tion and in all of the cantonal constitutions save that of re- 
actionary Freiburg. In the French cantons during this 
time, Victor Considerant, by pen and voice, was a great 
factpr. It has been extended to nlunicipal government with 
most happy results, and every year sees some improvement in 
the methods used, or strengthening of the principle in statute 
or constitution. But, above all, it is imbedded in the hearts 
of the people, and no public man dares to openly even sug- 
gest its weakening. 

In England there has been some progress. Prof. A. V. 
Dicey, as early as 1886 or 1887, wrote in favor of it in 
the Nation published in New York and later in the London 

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Spectator ', the Contemporary Review, the National Review, and 
other papers. The London Spectator, the Daily Chronicle, 
the Weekly Times and Echo, and other papers have chan> 
pioned it. Lord Salisbury has come out in favor of a varia- 
tion of the Referendum. Mr. Strachey, editor of the Specta- 
tor, writes: 

" Generally it is fair to say that the Home Rulers reject the Referen- 
dum and the Unionists theoretically approve though they have not as vet 
made it a part of their platform. More and more interest is yearly at- 
tracted to the subject." 

The local veto bill which failed in the last Parliament ap- 
plied a form of the Referendum to the liquor question. 
Most of the large trades unions have used the Initiative and 
Referendum for years, and " they find," writes J. Morrison 
Davidson, an active worker for it, "the results in every 
way superior to that obtained by representation." Alexander 
M. Thompson, associate editor of the Clarion, an influential 
labor paper, has written a brilliant pamphlet on it and is 
continually working for it. The Fabian Society is discussing 
it. But while the signs point toward the dawn, Direct Legis- 
lation cannot be said to have yet risen above the horizon as a 
political issue in England. 

The situation is similar, though perhaps a little more ad- 
vanced, in France, despite the bad name which Louis Napo- 
leon gave to the plebiscite by his gross abuse of reference to 
the people. It has also started in New Zealand, where it is 
an issue, and in Australia. 

But next to Switzerland, the movement has made the most 

progress in the Republic of the New World. It should. Chief 

Justice Marshall, who has been called u the second author of 

the Constitution," has truly said : 

" That the people have an original right to establish, for their future 
government, such principles as, in their opinion, shall most conduce to 
their happiness, is the basis on which the whole American fabric has been 

Direct Legislation is the culmination of democracy or self- 
government, and "democracy." as Charles Borgeaud has 
said, " is more than a form of government ; it is a state of 
society toward which all contemporary nations are tending 
by a seemingly inevitable law of evolution." 

The literary movement began some seven or eight years 
ago, and two or three years before there was any educational 
propaganda or political movement. It is curious how the 
same ideas seem to strike men entirely unknown to each 

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other. They come spontaneously, a growth of the time. 
This is seen both in the literary and political movement for 
Direct Legislation. In 1888, Boyd Winchester, then United 
States Minister at the Swiss capital, began to write on Swiss 
institutions, and it culminated in his book published in 1891. 
In 1889, Prof. Bernard Moses published his essay on "The 
Federal Government of Switzerland," and Sir F. O. Adams 
and C. D. Cunningham their book, which was followed in 
1891 by J. M. Vincent's scholarly "State and Federal Gov- 
ernment in Switzerland," and since there have been many 

In 1890, W. D. McCrackan sent a series of letters on the 
Initiative and Referendum to the Evening Post of New York 
City, and followed it with articles in the Arena, Atlantic, 
New England Magazine, and other periodicals, and with lec- 
tures given in many places. Mr. McCrackan is a prolific and 
agreeable writer and an entertaining speaker, and while he 
has not entered the propaganda in politics where alone Direct 
Legislation can be achieved, he has given scholarly thought 
and literary energy to it which have been very valuable in 
the formation of the movement, and has reached a class of 
people which otherwise might not be numbered among the 
supporters of Direct Legislation. 

J. W. Sullivan began to collect data relative to direct 
Legislation in 1883, and in 1888 went to Switzerland to study 
it on the ground. . He spent four months there interviewing 
men and getting facts. In the spring of 1889 he published 
a series of letters on it in the New York Times, and in May, 
1889, he had an article on " The Referendum in Switzerland " 
in the Ghautauquan Magazine. This was followed in March, 
1892, by the publication of his book " Direct Legislation," the 
third edition of which, completing the eighteenth thousand, 
has just come from the press of the Coming Nation. Ample 
material has been collected to make a book three times the 
size, which would have reposed serenely in libraries and been 
occasionally referred to ; but the author deemed it best for the 
purposes of immediate circulation to give the gist of the sub- 
ject in compact form at a cheap price. It has only one 
hundred and twenty pages, and was published first at twenty- 
five cents and now at ten cents. With its compact, clear 
statements and complete review of the field, it has done more 
in this country to crystallize and give definiteness of aim to 
the sentiment of the really democratic leaders (not leaders of 

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2. WM. A. < 'OTTKR. 

4. .1. W. ARKOWSMITH. 


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the Democratic party) than any other one thing. It made con- 
verts, and they spread its circulation. A thousand copies 
were sold in one lump in Oregon, three hundred went to 
Montana, five hundred to Kansas, and many in hundreds to 
clubs and individuals. Mr. Way land of the Coming Nation 
sold a thousand, and another person paid for the free distribu- 
tion of two thou- 
sand. kfc Fewlx)oks," 
says the Rev. W. 
I). P. Bliss, " have 
done more good in 
this century.'" 

Mr. Sullivan fol- 
lowed it up with 
lectures, articles in 
periodicals, and in 
his editorial work 
on a reform news- 
paper. In 1804 he 
started the J>in>et 
Lt'ifhhition Jiccnrdi 
a little monthly 
which he defined 
as "A non-partisan 
advocate of pure 
democracy." This 
he issued with marked ability for nearly a year, when the 
writer took it up, and since it has l>een issued quarterly, with 
an occasional extra number. This little magazine, in gather- 
ing and preserving proposed laws and constitutional amend- 
ments, in recording its progress, and in stating arguments 
for it, has given the movement stability and strength. It is 
a repository of fact, an assistance to the thoughtful and 
scientific, rather than a means for popular propaganda. 

The labor organizations, being almost of necessity con- 
ducted on democratic lines, were good fields for educational 
work. Uriah Stevens, the wise founder of the Knights of 
Labor, at its start proposed a thorough and carefully wrought 
out referendum for its government. Since 1882 the general 
executive board have asked opinions from the local assemblies, 
and the decision to enter upon independent political action 
was made by vote in response to a circular of the General 
Master Workman. In 1891 Master Workman Powderly 

J. \V. M I.LIVAN. 

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recommended that the referendum be adopted in political 
government, and shortly alter such a plank was inserted in 
the Knights of Labor preamble. 

Many of the trades unions are successfully using Direct 
Legislation, and in 1891 ten of the largest national and inter- 
national unions with a membership then close on to two 
hundred thousand were using it ; others have adopted it since. 
From 1892 it was the only political demand of the American 
Federation of Labor until 1894, when others were added. 
But it has been 
repeatedly and 
emphatically in- 
dorsed by this 
large and power- 
ful though thor- 
oughly demo- 
cratic organiza- 
tion. Samuel 
Gompers, its 
president, is a 
firm believer and 
assists wherever 
lie can, and at 
times his assist- 
ance has been 
very valuable. 
He only needs to 
be notified when 
and where to l 
speak, when he 
comes, if possible. 
The same is true 
of the other offi- | 
cers of the Fed- 

But this stand 
was largely influ- 
enced by Mr. Sullivan, who has been identified with the 
Typographical Union for years and has also been a national 
lecturer of the American Federation of Lat>or. He has aided 
in the political work in New Jersey and New York and else- 
where. One of his best contributions to the movement has 
been the popularization of the name, Direct Legislation. At 


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first it was generally known as Initiative and Referendum, 
which have an alien sound. Direct Legislation is more com- 
prehensive, including the town meeting as well, and it 
expresses the meaning of the movement better. 

The Farmers' Alliance has been behind the other large 
labor organizations, as for two or three years its Supreme 

Council only passed reso- 
lutions favoring discus- 
sion of Direct Legislation, 
But at the Washington 
meeting last winter an 
emphatically worded de- 
mand for it was inserted 
in their platform. 

Outside of some curi- 
ously interesting but not 
fully known experiments 
in methods of legislation 
in New England and 
Pennsylvania in the 
seventeenth and eight- 
eenth centuries, there has 
been no political move- 
ment in this country for 
the Initiative and Refer- 
endum proper until 1891 
and 1892. Previous to 
this, in 1882, Benjamin Urner of Elizabeth, N. J., who had 
l>een defeated in an election by bribery, started a short-lived 
paper which actively advocated the Initiative and Referendum. 
It was thus known and agitated among reformers in Xew 
Jersey before the literary movement, which did not begin till 
six or seven years later. But the seed then planted evidently 
needed the facts, figures, and arguments furnished by the 
articles and books of later date before it could germinate. 
But it is odd that the starters of it in 1892 did not know 
of Sullivan's book which had just come out. 

Early in 1892 a few gentlemen met in Newark, X. J., and 
organized the People's Power League. The three main 
movers were J. \V. Arrowsmith, George \V. Hopping, and 
Henry A. Beckmeyer. On April 19, 1892, George H. 
Strobell introduced resolutions calling for Direct Legislation, 
at the Prohibitionist State Convention held at Trenton, 


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N. J. They were tabled, but were the first Direct Legisla- 
tion resolutions in any political convention in this country 
outside of the Direct Legislation plank in the Socialist Labor 
party platform, which cannot be said to have been adopted in 
this country, as it was taken in a mass with many other 
things from the foreign platform where it was put mainly 
through the work of Charles Burkly of Zurich. The Social- 
ist organizations have done nothing to promote Direct Legis- 
lation in America, but, on the contrary, have deemed it in- 
advisable to help in its advancement lest attention might 
be diverted from the movement for the co-operative com- 
monwealth. Mr. Strobell has since done some valuable 
work, particularly in Christian Endeavor and Prohibitionist 

The People's Power League was turned into the People's 
Union, which drafted a law and constitutional amendment and 
circulated many tracts and pamphlets. In January, 1893, 
this was merged into the Direct Legislation League of New 

Though a number of earnest men had come in, yet the 
main moving spirit was J. W. Arrowsmith, a far-sighted 
manager, a deliberate and forceful speaker, and an able 
pamphleteer. He was president of the People's Union, and 
could have had the same office in the League which followed 
it if he had not thought it wiser to put other men forward. 
His voice has often been heard in legislative halls and on the 
stump, and his pen is familiar to readers of reform papers. 
His latest pamphlet, " The Social Democracy Programme," 
published last fall, is a particularly valuable plea for a union 
on and an argument for Direct Legislation. He is the first 
Vice-President of the League and actively at work. 

In July, 1893, a permanent organization was formed for 
the League, with William A. Cotter as president. Mr. Cotter 
brought to this work the trained knowledge of an experienced 
lawyer, and his services in drafting the amendment to the 
Constitution of New Jersey, which has since been copied 
in many other States, and later in addresses and honest legis- 
lative lobbying, have been invaluable. 

The legislative work began in the winter of 1894, when 
the amendment was introduced by Hon. Thomas McEwan, 
Jr., a Republican elected from a Democratic district and of so 
high a character that he was made the leader of his party on 
election without any previous legislative experience. He 

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was ably seconded by Hon. William Harrigan, the Democratic 
leader. Special hearings were given, but when it came to a 
vote the measure was defeated by Republicans, all but one of 
the Democrats voting for it. The bosses in power had seen 
that it would overthrow them. But it had a close vote* 
twenty-eight to thirty-one. It was the cheapest propaganda 
yet devised, as the hearings and speeches were reported all 
over the State. 

In the summer of 1894 the League organized and held a 
valuable and widely noticed convention at Asbury Park. 
An amendment was introduced in 1895, but not allowed to 
come out of committee. But the agitation was not even 
barren of laws, as the Referendum was attached to several 
important bills. The new parks of Essex County (appro- 
priation of $2,500,000), the increase of the pay of the firemen 
and policemen of Newark, all came about through a vote by 
the people obtained by a Direct Legislation member, Hon. 
George L. Smith. 

Mr. McEwan has been promoted by the people from the 
State Legislature to Congress, still being elected as a Repub- 
lican from a Democratic district, and he has introduced in 
the House a resolution for a committee of inquiry on the 
application of Direct Legislation to the federal government. 
But such a mild thing as a committee of inquiry has not been 
granted by the autocrat whose permission is necessary even for 
recognition to speak. Mr. McEwan is ably filling the very 
difficult position of an honest man who thinks in politics* 
and in one of the old parties. 

Out of the many others in the New Jersey work, only one 
more can be mentioned. Joseph R. Buchanan of Newark, 
N. J., held the floor for two hours in the platform committee 
at the Omaha convention in 1892, pleading for the insertion 
of Direct Legislation in the People's Party platform. He 
finally secured a resolution favoring it. 

But New Jersey is not the only State that has moved. In 
1894, Edgar L. Ryder pushed through the Assembly at 
Albany, N. Y., a bill giving Direct Legislation to cities, but it 
did not go through the Senate. A constitutional provision, 
very elaborately drawn, was urged at a special hearing on the 
Constitutional Convention of 1894, by Samuel Gompers, J. 
W. Sullivan, Clarence Ladd-Davis, Henry White, and others. 
In 1895, through the energy of Miss Florence Fairview, a 
constitutional amendment went through the Senate and had 

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enough members pledged to vote for it in the Assembly, but 
was held up by Speaker Fish on the last day of the 

In Massachusetts, Hon. Richard W. Irwin, backed by the 
labor organizations of Boston and Haverhill with Harry 
Lloyd and Frank K. Foster at their head, secured the passage 
of the city bill in the lower 
house by a vote of one 
hundred and fifty to three, 
but it did not pass the 

Senate. In 1895 the same ^mw 

bill did not get out of 
committee, although every 
political party — there were 
five organizations — in the 
State had for two years 
had a demand for the 
Referendum in their plat- 
forms. But Mr. Irwin, 
who has now gone from 
the House into the Senate, 
is still urging it and doing 
magnificent work. 

Meanwhile a group of 
men acting independently 
had started Initiative and 

~ r , , . RICHARD W. IRWtN. 

Referendum Leagues in 

1894, in South Dakota and Kansas, and they were followed 
in 1895 by Direct Legislation Leagues in Michigan, Nebraska, 
and Colorado, and constitutional amendments had lieen intro- 
duced in these States, in Kansas and Colorado passing one 
house. John R. Morrisey of the Detroit Typographical Union 
was the first voice crying almost alone in Michigan ; but there 
is an efficient league there now. Hon. J. Warner Mills of 
Denver ably drafted the Colorado amendment, which has 
some novel and effective features. The entire reform press in 
that State, led by the Denver News, advocates Direct Legis- 

A constitutional amendment was introduced in Washing- 
ton by the Hon. L. E. Rader, and received strong support. 
And last fall, by a voluntary arrangement, the town of 
Buckley, Wash., put the Initiative and Referendum into 

actual use. 

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In Oregon, W. S. U'Ren has been the mainspring of 
the movement, and in the winter of 1895 was employed as 
the legislative agent of all the labor organizations in the 
State to work at the capital for Direct Legislation. He came 
within one vote in the House and a tie in the Senate of get- 
ting what he wanted. He wrote recently : 

" We are sure of sikvpss soon. Xo jrreat reform ever made such great 
strides l>efore. Two years and two months ago not one man in a thou- 
sand in Oregon knew what Initiative and Keferendum meant. To-day I 
believe three fourths of the intelligent voters understand and favor this 

Mr. U'Ren is an active, devoted, and able worker. 

A curious development of the Oregon movement is for the 
voluntary Initiative and Referendum. Candidates for legis- 
lative offices are not nominated till they have signed a 
* - pledge that they will pass 

and refer to the people 
interested, for the final en- 
acting, any law which is 
petitioned for by ten per 
5^; ^^ centum of the people, and 

that they will refer to the 
people any law which 
they may pass, for which 
% there is a petition signed 

by ten per centum of Un- 
people. They are pre- 
i paring to apply this to 

■ both State and local mat- 

'*\ ters, and desire to extend 

^^ it to national affairs. 

The Oregon associated 
societies which Mr. 
U'Ren has served have 
w. s. r'KEN. circulated seventy thou- 

sand pamphlets in Knglish 
and German, presented a petition to the Legislature signed 
by thirteen thousand people, and seemed the indorsements 
of the People's and Democratic parties' State conventions 
and many Republican county conventions. 

In California, F. J. Eddy has written ably and frequently 
and has perhaps l>een its most prominent advocate. Assembly- 
man Bledsoe urged an amendment in 1895. S. E. Moffett, 
editor of the San Francisco Examiner* has written repeatedly 

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on it, and in 1894 published his book, "Suggestions on 
Government," which is almost an ideal argument. And the 
city of Alameda has actually put an advisory Initiative and 
Referendum into operation, the result of the first vote at the 
polls being to advise the city council to build a public 
library at a cost of $25,000. 
The reform press on the 
coast is unanimously in 
favor of it, and several of i 
the papers have gotten out ' 
special Direct Legislation 
editions which have had 
large circulations. 

Space forbids but one 
more notice, and that one 
is of the first bill actually 
drawn and introduced. It 
was done in 1891 by S. C. 
Whitwam at Guthrie, Okla- ! 
homa, and was a creative 
act of his own. It did not 
pass, but he has been fight- 
ing for it since with ever- 
increasing chances of suc- 
cess. All causes have F> tJ> eddy. 
their pioneer heroes, and 
quite unconsciously Mr. Whitwam writes : 

k4 1 am talking Referendum every night in the week the year around. 
Our country is poor, and during the summer I have camped on the open 
prairie without shelter, many nights. I carry a half of a fifty-pound flour 
sack tilled with biscuits, slung over my shoulder, and my pony and I share 
these; and the next legislature will pass my bill or a better." 

Several semi-secret but political societies have started with 
Direct Legislation as their basis. One of these, the Peers of 
Kosmos, was begun in Pennsylvania a quarter of a century 
ago, and in their declaration, revised in 1889, there is a very 
clear demand for the Initiative and Referendum. Another, 
the Ancient Order of Loyal Americans, started in Michigan 
in 1893, has branches in many States, and is particularly 
strong in its birthplace and in Oklahoma ; and a third, the 
F. P. S. F., has quickly spread over Washington and into 

There are not wanting indications that the wily political 
managers of the old parties, with the editors of the old-party 

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papers, are willing to steal the reformers' thunder with regard 
to Direct Legislation. As a matter of fact the reference of 
hills by legislative bodies is Incoming more and more 
frequent. Notable recent instances have been the rapid transit 
and city consolidation bills in New York and the civil service 
and the Torrens Title Registry System in Chicago. 

Again, the word * fc Referendum " is constantly in the daily 
papers, so that the reader must be far liehind the times who is 
not familiar with the term. 

The course of the New York Sun has lieen significant. 
Their leading book reviewer, surveying the movement as a 

philosopher, gave Mr. Sul- 
livan's " Direct Legislation " 
such a notice as is accorded 
only to books of unusual im- 
portance — one of four col- 
umns. The funny editor of 
the Shh. however, saw some- 
thing to ridicule when the New 
Jersey movement started. But 
to-dav the Sun's news column 
headings contain the word 
ik Referendum " on every oc- 
casion possible. The paper 
has accepted the Referendum as 
in operation now as democratic, 
American, and practicable. 

Many other reform move- 
ments are merging into this 
Direct Legislation movement. While the silver men, the fiat 
money man, the sound money man, the civil service reformer, 
the civic reformer, the socialist, the prohibitionist, the single 
taxer, etc., may each think his own special refoim the most im- 
portant and needed, they are all lieginning to see that they 
cannot even get a hearing without Direct Legislation. So 
that it is the first thing to get. — not necessarily the most im- 
portant, but the first. It is thus proving a real bond of 
union between heretofore warring economic lx*liefs. 

In every reform platform constructed nowadays, anywhere 
in the United States, Direct Legislation is one of the fore- 
most planks, if not the foremost. 

There is already out a call for a national Direct Legislation 
Conference, which has been numerously signed by men of 
thought and action. Here it is : 


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We, the undersigned, unite to call a Direct Legislation National Con- 
ference to be opened at St. Louis, Mo., on the morning of July 21, 18!)6. 

This Conference is called to secure : 

First. In all future platforms, municipal and local, as well as State 
and national, the strongest possible. Direct Legislation declaration. 

Second. The widest possible discussion of Direct Legislation. 

Third. A union of reform forces, local or national, for the same 
candidates, but without necessarily giving up their separate organizations 
or distinctive issues and platforms, providing each organization thus 
uniting places at the head of its platform the following to be followed by 
its other demands : 

" We demand Direct Legislation through the Initiative and the Referen- 
dum in local, State, and national government. We advocate the follow- 
ing, but are willing to submit these or any other questions advocated by 
a reasonable minority to a vote of the people interested, and to abide by 
their decision until the people themselves reverse it/' 

Perhaps this summer may register another great advance. 
Such a union would be. It is worth working for. Possibly 
it may be postponed. History alone can tell. 

This rapid and necessarily incomplete survey of the field 
shows at least one thing. This movement is not the work of 
one man or of one group of men. Its genesis is that of a true 
democratic movement arising spontaneously in many parts of 
the country. It is caused by conditions which have been 
growing progressively worse for the last quarter century. 
These conditions are economic, but are caused by the 
irresponsibility, corruption, and imbecility of legislative 
action. This is being more and more widely and deeply 
recognized. The movement has men who voice it, but not a 
man or men who make it. If it had it might stop with their 
defeat or discouragement. But its present leaders might be 
swept out of existence to morrow, when the movement would 
be delayed but not stopped, — perhaps in the long run not 
delayed much. 

Its growth has been so rapid that some of us fear it may not 
be solid. But such forget that while the outward movement 
has only recently spread over all the country saving some of 
the old southern slave States, — and there are signs of an 
awakening even in them, — yet the inner desire for power in 
the hands of the people themselves is coexistent with the found- 
ing of our social system, and has grown with its growth, and 
the disgust with the legislative action and inaction has been 
becoming more intense during a quarter of a century. 

" History," says Prof. Herron, " is the progressive dis- 
closure of the self-government of man as the providential 
design." And a not far-distant time will see the inevitable 
accomplishment of this Direct Legislation movement. 

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In Mexico, exactly as in this country, the money in circu- 
lation is paper and silver, and in both countries in alxmt the 

same proportions. In 
neither Is a gold dol- 
lar often seen by the 
masses or used in the 
ordinary transactions 
of life. The sole dif- 
ference l»etween the 
currency of the two 
countries is that in 
Mexico gold and sil- 
ver remain still, as 
formerly, the money 
of redemption, and 
hence prices of all 
things remain as for- 
merly, while in the 
United States, half 
the money of redemj>- 
tion having been 
struck down, the val- 
ue of the dollar has 
doubled, with the 
necessary effect that 
fixed charges, like 
debts, public and pri- 
vate, and interest 
thereon, taxes, sala- 
ries, railroad passen- 
ger and freight rates, 
etc., though nominally 
the same, have in ef 
feet doubled, while 
those things which 



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have to buy dollars, as produce, labor, etc., have decreased. 
Produce is half its former prices, while labor has had need 
for all its organizations and efforts to prevent falling quite so 
far when, in fact, owing to natural development, labor in this 
country should have advanced, as it is doing to some extent 
in Mexico. On both sides of the Rio Grande, paper and silver 
are intrinsically of the same value, and till we demonetized 
silver, were exchanged between the two countries at par. That 
one of our paper or silver dollars is now exchangeable for two 
of theirs, is due to the fact that our money of redemption is 
only half the volume it was when the currency of the two 
countries — paper and silver — was at par, our redemption 
money being now practically gold only, instead of gold and sil- 
ver as at that time. To undo the surreptitious act of 1 878 would 

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l>e to place this country, as to prices, where it stood before 
that act. We have an object lesson of that unmistakable im- 
port in the fact that in Mexico, where the standard of re- 
demption has remained gold and silver, cotton brings sixteen 
to eighteen cents, and wheat and corn #1 .25, and fixed charges 
like debtw, taxes, and railroad rates have not gone up. Gold 
does not circulate there in the ordinary transactions of life, 
nor does it do so here. That it is the standard of value and 
not the metal that causes the appreciation of our dollar, is 
proven by the fact that our silver dollar is worth as much 
there as our gold dollar. 

The magnificent climate of Mexico should attract thou- 
sands of people to spend the winter there, as it is superior, 
immeasurably, to the south of France and the Riviera. If 
the Mexican railroad companies would copy the example of 
the English railways and erect and run their own hotels at 
each important city, travel would increase tenfold. It is a 

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great inducement to travellers, especially in a foreign coun- 
try, to be able to get off the train directly into a first-class 
hotel, owned and managed by the railroad, without having to 
inquire for a good hotel or to bother with a hack. These 
hotels have proven a fine investment for English railways, 
as they would for those in Mexico. 

Artesian wells are not infrequent in Mexico, and furnish 
excellent water. In some places aqueducts are still used, 
notably at Queretaro, where there is an aqueduct five miles 
long passing through the valley on tall arches, many of them 
one hundred feet high, resembling those in the Campagna 
around Rome. 

While "the reform" in Mexico, which overthrew the 

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power of the Catholic Church and confiscated its entire 
property, was not religious, but economic and democratic, 
there was a necessity that its leaders should have an associa- 
tion into which no devout Catholic could enter, — into which 
the church itself forbids them to enter, — hence it is said to 
be a fact that, almost without exception, every holder of an 
office of any importance in the whole country is a Freemason. 
Bull rights have too often l>een described to enter into de- 
tails here. They have l>een occasionally suppressed, first in 
one place and then another, to be afterward permitted again 
and again. But there is a public sentiment gradually grow- 
ing up against the custom ; and while ladies of the lietter 
classes still attend, I was told that there was a marked 
diminution in their numbers. 

The bull rings are 
built like the old 
Roman amphithea- 
tres, round as a circle, 
with seats rising rank 
after rank. As in 
ancient Home, seats 
on the shady side 
bring far more than 
on the sunny side, 
and in the latter seats, 
of course, are to lie 
found the populace. 
The bull has no 
chance from the l>e- 
ginning, and the mat- 
adores and picadores 
run small danger. 
The horses are al- 
ways wretched lieasts, 
and are ridden with 
their eyes bandaged, 
and are purposely 
turned so that they 
may receive the sharp 
horns of the bull. The men take care to keep their own 
eyes open, and are very rarely hurt. They carry a red flag 
to infuriate the bull to charge, and as he always shuts his 
eyes to do so, they nimbly step aside, and he strikes only the 


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flag. It is said that these men will not dare to tackle a cow, 
for, feminine like, she always keeps her eyes open. Six bulls 
killed complete the entertainment. Most people who go from 
this country to Mexico probably attend one bull fight, and one 
is enough. I witnessed the exhibition at the Bucarelli ring 
in the city of Mexico near the Belen Gate. One of the 
novelties to be seen is the horse racing at night by electric 
light at the Indianilla race track near the city. At some of 
the theatres they have a plan of charging a real (twelve and 
one-half cents) for each act, and as there are usually five and 
the burlesque afterpiece, one who cares to see it all pays 
seventy-five cents. Thus one who does not like the play, 
pays for the acts he sees and quits, and those coming in 
late only pay for as many acts as they attend. Where the seat 
is more than seventy-five cents, it is at the same rate of one 
sixth of the whole charge for each act. While this custom 
is a convenience to the audience, it is said that it pays the 
management also, as many go who would not be willing to 
pay for a whole evening without knowing that they would 
be pleased. 

The hearses are run on the street-car track, and not in- 
frequently are followed by a long line of street-cars for the 
friends and relatives. Necessarily, however, they make as 
good time going out to a cemetery as in returning. Our 
habit of going out slowly and returning rapidly is, of course, 
simply our custom — that is all. 

While Mexico preceded us forty odd years in placing the 
abolition of slavery in its Constitution, and has also antici- 
pated us by incorporating provisions for the election of the 
Federal Senators and Supreme Court judges by the people, 
it has only recently adopted a constitutional amendment, which 
is to go into effect July 1, abolishing the alcabala^ or tariff 
between the several States. Repeated efforts have been made 
in this direction, but unsuccessfully till now, when the in- 
creased railway traffic has made it a necessity. Of course the 
cars have never stopped to pay duties at State lines, but the 
interstate tariff dues were added to the freight. Another 
bad feature in the Mexican economic system is that land pays 
a very light tax, in some States perhaps none, and in all veiy 
much less than its fair share. As a rule unimproved land 
pays no tax whatever, with the result that land in Mexico 
is held in large tracts, the number of landowners in the re- 
public being only some thirty-five thousand. As a class they 

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have been powerful enough to prevent any change so far, but 
the prosperity of the country demands it, and when a fair 
share of taxation is put upon the land, and especially when 
the taxation upon unimproved realty is made heavy enough, 
the haciendas will perforce be divided up, the ownership of 
the soil will pass, as it did in France after the great Revolu- 
tion, into the hands of the people, and Mexico will add the 
cap-stone to the wise measures wliich are building up the 
country. At present few of the owners of the great haciendas 
reside upon them, and the revenues of these estates are spent 
in the large cities or abroad, to the detriment of the country 

The law against carrying concealed weapons is not a dead 
letter there as it is in parts of the United States, but is strictly 
enforced ; hence a traveller in Mexico at first is astonished' at 
the number of pistols carried buckled around the waist. The 
reason is, the wearers dare not carry them in any other way. 
As a rule at the hotels the chamber-maids are men. The 
bedsteads are generally of iron, and the bowls and pitchers 
are veiy lights being sheet-iron enamelled, or something of 
the kind, and imported from Germany. In each hotel a large 
blackboard is fastened in the wall of the clerk's office giving 
the number of each room, after which is always written in 
chalk the* name of its temporary occupant, and a glance at 
this board saves inquiry of the clerk. The old prejudice that 
13 is an unlucky number still lingers in Mexico, as is shown 
by these blackboards, on which "No. 13 " never appears, but 
the space between 12 and 14 is usually filled by "X" or 
" 50 " or " 100." Of course a traveller can follow his own 
wishes as to liis meals, for the hotels are all kept on what is 
known in this country as the " European plan ; " but if he 
conforms to the Mexican custom he will find it to be the 
same as in France or Italy; i. e., the first meal, almuerzo^ 
generally consists only of coffee and a little bread. Be- 
tween twelve and two is a somewhat heavier meal — comida; 
and about six Is the meal of the day — la cena. Butter 
is rare, and when made in the countiy is very poor. I 
met some Americans who, with the quick wit of our coun- 
trymen, have seen the opening and have gone down there 
to engage in the dairy business. From twelve to two the 
stores and places of business, as a rule, even in the city 
of Mexico, are shut up and a placard, " Cerrado" (i. e?., 
closed), is hung on the door. The places of business are far 

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more generally closed up on Sundays than in most European 
countries, outside of the British Isles, and indeed on Sunday 
afternoons the closing is almost universal. 

On the high plateau on which the city of Mexico stands 
meat will dry up, but it will not spoil or mould. Droughts 
are a great loss to some sections, for places can be found 
where scarcely any rain has fallen for three or four years past. 
The best remedy for this, of course, is to reforest the land ; for 
in ancient times it is said to have been well wooded, but now, 
except in the mountains, the great central plateau is almost 
as devoid of trees as the countiy from Omaha to Cheyenne, or 
the Llano Estacado of Texas. The tierra templada has plenti- 
ful showers, and it is there that the coffee trees grow. They 
require a warmer climate than the great central plateau, and 
plenty of rain, but have to be sheltered from the sun, which is 
done by planting other and larger trees or bananas among 
them. The Mexican coffee is very superior, and indeed by 
competent judges is said to equal the best Mocha. In Mex- 
ico all the trees are, properly speaking, evergreens. 

Oranges are equal to the best Florida, and in good seasons 
they sell at the haciendas six for a cent, American money. 
There are American firms down there, notably on the line to 
Guadalajara, who buy up the produce of entire haciendas. 
They then carefully box the fruit, wrapping each orange 
separately in tissue paper, and ship by carload or trainload 
to Chicago, St. Louis, Cincinnati, etc., and manage to get 
very low through rates. At nearly every street comer is a 
vender who sells sugar-cane at a centavo (Mexican cent) 
for each cane, and they always do a thriving business with 
passers-by, especially with the children. One peculiarity of 
the maguey plant is that if the central bulb is cut out over- 
night the volatilization is such that even in this climate, 
where frost never comes, ice will form. The principle is the 
same as that used in the more scientific American ice-machines, 
which are now in use all oyer Mexico. 

Wliiskey and brandy are unknown, except when imported. 
The maguey, or century plant, furnishes the mild, unfer- 
mented drink which wells up in the plant when the bulb is 
cut, and which is called pulque*. There are also distilled 
drinks made from that, or from the roots of certain plants, 
which are known as mescal^ tequila^ etc. 

Mexico has been called the " Land of Maftana" which is 
the not unfrequent reply made to an application. Literally, 

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maftana means to-morrow, or in the morning, but practically 
when you are promised anything mafiana, it means "some 
time, by and by — in the sweet by and by." But railroads 
are changing this easy-going life and these indolent customs, 
and are introducing movement and vigor and punctuality 
here as elsewhere. When railroads were first introduced, 
there was of course considerable opposition, but it has all 
died out. I heard of only one man who was still declaring 
they had " ruined the country," and he was the owner of a 
stage and freight line which had been recently displaced by 
the opening of a new railroad. He was like a certain party 
in Raleigh, N. C, soon after the war, who was complaining 
to Gen. Miles, now commander-in-chief of the United 
States army, but then commanding the post of Raleigh, 
that emancipation had forever ruined the South. The gen- 
eral tried to reassure him by asserting that in a few years 
the South would be more prosperous than ever, and would 
itself rejoice that emancipation had taken place. This 
party insisted so strenuously that his business at least was 
hopelessly ruined, that the general asked what it was, and 
ascertained that he had been a dealer in slaves. The Mex- 
ican stage line owner was fully as irreconcilable. 

Postage between points in Mexico is five cents on letters, 
two cents on postal cards, and one cent on newspapers, 
and the rate of postage to the United States is the same, 
while postage rates from the United States to Mexico are 
likewise the same as our internal postage — two cents for 
letters and one cent on postal cards and newspapers. The 
post office in Mexico operates the telegraph as a part of the 
postal system. This is tine of all countries except the 
United States, Hawaii, and Honduras. We in the United 
States are kept in subjection to the enormous tolls levied 
upon us by the telegraph monopoly, solely through its influ- 
ence with a large part of the daily press, whose interest it 
is to keep down competition in telegraphic news, and by an 
expensive lobby maintained in Washington, which furnishes 
every senator and member of Congress willing to accept them 
with books of telegraphic franks. One of the first reforms 
should be to make the telegraph and telephone an integral part 
of our postal system, with telephones at every country post 
office, and a uniform five, or ten, cent telegraph or telephone 
rate throughout the country. It pays the government and is a 
blessing to the people in all other countries, and would be so 
with us also. 

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Mexico is now offering great opportunities to capitalists, 
and the number of Americans settling in the country or in- 
vesting there is evidence that our people are alive to the 
fact. It is not yet a country for the laboring man, for the 
reason that the land, as I have said, is still in large holdings, 
and the price of labor has always been low, though somewhat 
advancing. As their dollar has not enhanced in value, there 
have at least been no strikes to prevent " cuts " in wages as 
with us. The yield of all crops is large, and in the tierra 
caliente I saw corn crops which had simply been planted by 
making a hole in the ground and covering the seed with the 
foot, and never worked. The weeds and corn come up to- 
gether, and the corn makes forty to fifty bushels to the acre. 
Three crops a year can be raised thus, the sole labor being 
the planting and harvesting. Humboldt, in his "Cosmos," 
estimates the average yield of wheat in France as six-fold, 
and in Mexico as twenty-two for one. Minerals of every 
kind are abundant, of course, in a country seamed and fur- 
rowed with mountains. Pueblo is known as the "onyx" 
town, and Queretaro as the "opal" town. The latter place 
has four cotton factories, one of which, the " Hercules," has 
nearly or quite two thousand employees. This factory is 
run both by steam and water, and its steel overshot wheel 
is said to be the largest in the world. 

The church bells are numerous and large, and are rung by 
being turned over by hand, which is easily done, as the bell's 
weight is exactly balanced by wood. When not being rung, 
the bells hang with the mouth part uppermost. In some 
towns, as Guadalajara, all the church bells seem to be rung 
every half hour. The cabs in the city of Mexico are divided 
into three classes, designated by little colored tin flags which 
they carry. The blue flag rates are #1.50 per hour, or 
seventy-five cents per passenger ; red flag, $1 per hour, or fifty 
cents per passenger; and yellow flag, fifty cents per hour. 
The street-cars are first and second ; the first class are 
painted buff, and the others green. The street lines also carry 
freight cars, box and flat cars, cars for sheep and goats, and 
" special " cars are also to l)e hired. Besides these, as al- 
ready said, are the funeral cars with a raised dais and 
catafalque beneath a four-post canopy, surmounted by a 
cross and painted black or white. The street railway system 
of the city of Mexico has one hundred and sixty miles of 
track, five locomotives, twenty-six hundred mules and horses, 

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three hundied passenger cars and thirty funeral cars, besides 
freight cars. Last year it carried eighteen million passengers, 
besides freight. The entire system with its equipment has 
very recently been sold to two Americans for about $8,000,- 
000. They propose to increase the investment by extensions 
and putting in electricity to a total of $20,000,000. It is to 
be regretted that tfce depression caused here by our financial 
system forces such large quantities of American capital and 
such enterprise to seek investment in a foreign country. As 
large as this transaction is, it is but a small part of the 
amounts annually going from this country to seek profitable 
employment in a more prosperous one. 

The markets in the Mexican towns are large and roomy 
and well filled, especially with tropical vegetables and fruits. 
They are well worth visiting in every town. In passing 
through the canals of the floating gardens or Chinampas, as 
we were being rowed along, a couple of young girls, evi- 
dently fresh from the country, were so overcome by curiosity 
that, entirely unconscious to themselves, they stared at our 
party of foreigners. Staring at strangers is exceedingly un- 
usual, for the Mexicans are by nature a very polite people. 
To recall them from their absentmindedness, one of the party 
remarked loud enough for the girls to hear, " Muchaca bonita " 
(pretty girl). Instantly the old man, evidently of the very 
lowest class, but with the instincts of a gentleman, with great 
deference suggestively said in an undertone, " Mnehacas 
bonita* " (pretty girls). The amendment was adopted, and the 
startled look of pleasure which surprised their faces showed 
that human nature is much the same in all climes, the snowy 
and the sunny. The old man did not want one of the girls 
to go away thinking that only the other was handsome. 

The washerwomen in this sunny, pleasant clime do their 
washing out of doors, and may l>e seen at their occupation 
at every river's marge and rivulet brink as the train whirls 
by. Tobacco is much used, and the country furnishes a fine 
quality, but there are no pipes and no chewing. Cigars are 
called puro8, and cigarettes are ciyarros. Not a few of the 
hotels were formerly convents, as these institutions have been 
rigorously suppressed. Bicycles are becoming as common as 
with us, and this country of perpetual spring, with many 
months in which no rain falls, must become some day a para- 
dise for cycling tourists. It is interesting always to notice 
foreign customs. The men embrace on meeting each other 

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as on the continent of Europe, and it is amusing to see two 
fat men put their arms around each other, and each patting 
his friend on the back. When an elderly lady kisses a young 
lady, if she kisses her on one check you may know the latter is 
married, but if she kisses her on both cheeks she is still single. 

President Diaz, who was for a while a widower, in recent 
years has married a most charming and popular young lady, the 
daughter of Seiior Rubio, now lately dead, who had formerly 
been a political opponent, but who after this alliance took a 
scat in his son-in-law's cabinet. Seiiora Diaz is exceedingly 
popular all over Mexico. 

The Spanish pronunciation in detail would require a gram- 
mar, but in general it may be said that a is aA, e is a, i is ee, o 
is broad 0, and u is 00. Hu is w, ju is wh, j is A, h is silent, 
double / is y, and g before e and i is h. Unlike French, in 
which no syllable is accented and in which, according to the 
French Academy, on an average two fifths of the letters on 
a page are silent, in Spanish every syllable is pronounced 
and there is an accent on some syllable, generally the next to 
the last, and this stress is more decided than in English, being 
in many cases almost a drawl on the accented syllable. As 
a curiosity the pronunciation of the names of several of the 
towns is here given, the accented syllable being in italics. 
Mexico is fileh'eco ; Aguas Calientes is Ah-was Cal-i-ew'tas ; 
Catorce is Kay-for'see ; Guanajuato is Wah-na-wAa£'to ; Guadar 
lajara is Ward-ly-Aar'rer ; Guaymas is Wye-mas'; Jalapa is 
Ha-Zop'per; Lagos is Lah'gos ; Leon is Lay-own' ; Morelia U 
Mo-niy'lya; Queretaro is Kay-r<tf'aro ; Oaxaca is O-nh-haek'ev ; 
Orizaba is Oree-z«/*'bah ; San Luis Potosi is San i?/'ees Poto- 
see' ; San Miguel de Allende is San Me-ffiV day Ayen'dy ; 
Tampieo is Tam-/w'co ; Torreon is Torry-oivn' ; Tula is Too'ki : 
Zacatecas is Zaky-^/7/'cas. Sometimes the meaning of a woid 
depends on which syllable is accented, as pa'pa means a potato, 
while papa', with the accent on the last syllable, means father. 

While the Mexican leaders were wise enough and patriotic 
enough to save their country from the tortures and depression 
of the gold standard and falling prices which we have had to 
endure, many years ago when they funded their foreign debt 
(about $180,000,000) gold and silver were at par, and not 
anticipating any attempt to demonetize the latter in order to 
double the value of the former, they unwisely consented that 
the interest on this foreign debt — as a matter of convenience 
— should be made payable in London and in gold. They 

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did not know there was any inconvenience in it then, but they 
have found it out now, as, like our own debtors and taxpayers, 
they are paying double what should be justly paid. It is 
just like contracting for ten thousand bushels of wheat and 
then doubling the size of the bushel. Mexico has about 
$1 00,000,000 of other debt created more recently, but, taught 
by experience, this is payable, like our debt, in coin, and their 
Secretary of the Treasury, unlike ours, pays the government 
creditors in coin of the same value as that in which the debt 
was created, and interest on this debt is paid in the same 
money in which taxpayers have just received $1 .25 per bushel 
for their corn or wheat and fifteen to eighteen cents per 
pound for their cotton. 

The railroads reflect the prosperity of the country and show 
steady increase in receipts, though their rates (owing to the 
enhancement in the value of our currency) are practically 
half what ours are. To take one railroad as an .example. 
The receipts of the Mexican Central, which were $3,550,000 
in 1885, were nearly doubled five years later, being in 1890 
#6,425,000. This rose to $8,450,000 in 1894, and last year 
added over a million to that, the receipts for 1895 of this 
one railway being $9,496,000. The railroad station houses 
throughout Mexico are in the best style and many are very 
handsome, and plats ornamented with flowers and tropical 
plants are frequent. 

These random observations have been thrown together, as 
they may possibly serve to amuse or interest some of your 
readers. Before giving some idea of the parts of the country 
I visited on my return, as will now be done, I may add that 
Americans will find it agreeable and very pleasant, if they 
can find friends to introduce them, to visit the American 
Club, just opposite the Iturbide Hotel. Our countrymen who 
frequent there, and especially those who maintain the club, 
are a fine type of men. The two dailies printed in English, 
the Mexican Herald and the Ttvo Republics^ are abreast in 
every respect with the dailies in our large cities, and are edited 
by gentlemen of the first order of ability. It is a sure sign 
of die numbers and wealth of the American population in the 
country that two dailies of the highest grade can be main- 
tained. The United States Consul-General is ex-Gov. T. T. 
Crittenden of Missouri, who is exceedingly popular with 
Americans, whether residing in Mexico or merely visiting 
the country. Judge Sepulveda, our Secretary of Legation 

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and President of the American Club, was formerly a judge of 
the Superior Court in California, though he has now resided 
many years in the Mexican capital. He also is very cour- 
teous and much liked. Our country is fortunate, far more 
fortunate than some European capitals which might be readily 
named, in having such representatives as these gentlemen. 
Minister Ransom was absent in the United States on leave 
during the period of my visit, so I did not meet him. 

One of the pleasantest short excursions from the city of 
Mexico is due south to Cuernavaca. The railroad which is 
in process of construction to Acapulco, on the Pacific, is only 
completed as yet to Tres Marias, just below the summit of 
the mountain range, whence the journey to Cuernavaca is 
made by stage. This might be called the " battlefield route," 
as the railroad passes out by Chapultepec, through the fields 
of Casa Mata, Molino del Rey, Padierna, and Contreras, and 
within a short distance of Cherubusco, which is in full view. 
After leaving Contreras the track constantly climbs the 
mountains, giving at every turn a magnificent view of the 
valley of Mexico with its seven lakes, the castle-crowned hill 
of Chapultepec, the great city itself with its steeples and 
domes, and the scores of villages dotting the plain. At La 
Cima we have attained a height of nearly ten thousand feet, 
and begin to descend the Pacific slope. ' At Tres Marias we 
leave the cars and take, a stage for Cuernavaca. A glorious 
view it is in this cloudless clime to see the valley spread for 
miles and miles before you and thousands of feet below, 
dotted with villages and haciendas^ and the capital of the 
State in the centre foreground. We went down with four 
horses, we came back drawn by ten, and we saw some railway 
construction wagons which were being drawn by eighteen 
horses. This will be a great railway when it is completed 
through to Acapulco. The Interoceanic, already completed 
from Vera Cruz by way of the city of Mexico to Yautepec, is 
also stretching out to Acapulco, so there will soon be two 
lines from the capital to that port. The Guadalajara branch 
of the Central is also under process of construction to another 
port on the Pacific. Cuernavaca is a quaint old town as yet 
untouched by railroads. It has its grand old churches, and 
the .castle in which Cortez lived in the midst of his princely 
land grant, and commanding a lovely view of mountains and 
valley. He lived here when no longer permitted to reside 
near the capital. Cortez was a good business man, as well 

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as conqueror ; for he not only picked out and had the choicest 
lands granted to him, but he owned many of the most eligible 
comer lots in the capital, including that on which the gov- 
ernment buildings now stand. But it is impossible not to re- 
call that his name is unhonored by any memorial in the coun- 
try of his triumphs, while in the Paseo the grand statue of 
his victim, the last Aztec emperor, Guatemozin, proudly lifts 
his hands and head to heaven. So true is it that u the victor 
has his day, but the victim has all eternity." And if some 
one shall say, What good shall it do liim ? it may be replied, 
Did not the victor fight that he might be lemeinbered after 
death, and did he not struggle for fame, 

u That fancied life in another's hreath, 
. Which is beyoud us, even in our death" ? 

And of Cortez, as of another and a haughtier name, it may 
well be said: 

44 Who would soar the polar height 
To set in such a starless night**? 

Here too are memorials of Maximilian and Carlotta in the 
lovely garden of La Borda, and the little " House in the 
Woods " where they attempted to rusticate in their " Little 
Trianon." The Indian name of the town was Quahnaahuac, 
meaning "where die eagle stops." This the more prosaic 
Spaniard has corrupted into Cuernavaca, which signifies 
" cow horn.!' 

Having come into Mexico by the Mexican Central, when 
I got back to the capital I left for home over the shortest 
route, the Mexican National. Albeit a narrow gauge, it 
makes excellent time. The scenery is grand as we climb 
the mountain, leaving city and villages and gleaming lakes 
and glistening streams far below us. The transparent at- 
mosphere, the cloudless skies, the exhilaration of the ozone 
hi this j)erfect climate make one almost believe he is swim- 
ming through the air. And beyond, silent, unchanging, 
stand the sentinels of the land, the snow-crowned summits 
of the monarchs of the mountains. At eleven thousand feet 
elevation we cross the mountain and descend toward Toluca, 
on our way passing along the breast of the precipice a thou- 
sand feet almost directly over the red-tiled roofs of the vil- 
lage of Ocoyoacac. Toluca is the capital of the State of 
Mexico, a most interesting town of twenty-five thousand in- 
habitants and one of the cleanest in the world. It is only 
three hours' run from the capital and is much visited. At 

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Acambaro we turn off from the main line for a run to 
Patzcuaro, over the western division, which will some day be 
completed to the Pacific at Manzanillo. We pass through 
the city of Morelia, one of the prettiest cities in all Mexico. 
Its beautiful piaza, magnificent cathedral, grand Paseo, 
aqueduct, and the Causeway of Guadeloupe would be attrac- 
tions enough even if it did not have the most perfect of cli- 
mates. Patzcuaro station is the terminus of the railway, and 
is on the lake of that name, the town being two miles away. 
On the lake is a steamer visiting port after port on its 
shores, like a humming bird passing from flower to flower. 
In one of these villages, in the old church at Tzintzunzan, is 
a famous painting by Titian, " The Entombment," which 
was presented by Pliilip II. of Spain. Fifty thousand dol- 
lars lias been recently offered for this picture and was refused. 
Not far off is Uruapan, famous as producing the best coffee 
in Mexico. This State (Michoacan) and Jalisco just north 
of it (whose capital is Guadalajara) have the most perfect 
climates to be found in Mexico, or indeed probably in the 
world. The combination of lake and mountains, always 
beautiful, is nowhere more so than here. 

Returning to the main line at Acambaro, we again proceed 
northward, crossing the Central at Celaya, the " candy " 
town, and passing through Dolores, whose parish priest, Hi- 
dalgo, began the war of independence in 1810; then on past 
town and hamlet, river and mountain, till we reach San Luis 
Potosi, three hundred and sixty-two miles from the capital. 
This is a city of over seventy thousand inhabitants and is the 
capital of the State of that name. It lies in the midst of a 
great level, fertile plain stretcliing away to mountains that are 
tilled with silver and gold. It has many interesting build- 
ings, the State capitol, the cathedral, the library and museum 
with one hundred thousand volumes, the State college, etc. 
It has several factories, and the streetcar lines run out to 
the neigh boring villages. On a Sunday afternoon I was 
strolling tlirough the streets of this city of nearly seventy- 
five thousand people among whom I knew not a single 
human being, when on turning a corner I heard music which 
at once arrested attention. It was a well-known hymn of 
Charles Wesley which had come across the deep waters and 
many a vanished year to be anthemed beneath the shadow of 
cathedral towers on the great central plains of Mexico. 
Could the voices be traced, there I should surely find friends 

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and countrymen. As I proceeded the music floated out full 
and free, and, falling upon the quick fading twilight, 
"smoothed the raven down of darkness till it smiled." I 
found the band of worshippers and their beloved leader, a 
Methodist missionary who is devoting his life to the work 
which he has found to his hand in this great field. Only 
when straying in a foreign land does one know the strong 
bond of sympathy that lies in the accents of one's native 
tongue. The Protestant missions in Mexico are active and 
fairly successful. There is absolute freedom of worship, and 
all religions are protected. There is no State church, in 
which respect, at least, Mexico is in advance of England, 
Scotland, France, and many other countries. 

The Tampico branch of the Mexican Central crossing 
the line of the National here goes down to Tampico. It is 
claimed by many that the scenery in the six thousand feet of 
descent to the tierra caliente over this line is more magnifi- 
cent than between the capital and Vera Cruz. It is certainly 
very grand, but is entirely of a different kind. The descent 
to the coast is by terraces. In the first forty-seven miles we 
fall fifteen hundred feet. Further on, at the mouth of the 
great Tamasopo Caflon, you seem to have gotten to the 
" jumping-off place," for you can see the rails as they begin 
to bend downward. For seventeen miles you roll down by 
gravity, with every brake on to hold the train back, with the 
mountains rising on both hands thousands of feet above you, 
and between them the carlon opens a thousand feet below 
you. At one point is the " Devil's Backbone," a great 
spine of rough granite extending up the mountain, and 
reminding one of the " Devil's Slide " in the Walisatch Valley 
on the Union Pacific. After passing out of the caflon and 
while descending the mountain, our track so turns and winds 
that at one point six tracks are seen. At the mouth of the 
caflon is the striking succession of waterfalls known as El 
Salto del Abra. Along here are the coffee groves, then a 
little lower we reach the hot lands, the " tierra calienU" and, 
rolling along the banks of the broad river Panuco, are soon at 
Tampico. This is in appearance the least inviting town in the 
Republic. It is dirty and untidy, many of the houses are of 
wood (a very rare thing in Mexico), and rains are frequent. 
But six miles further down, at the mouth of the river, are the 
jetties, which have given the port already twenty-six feet of 
water up to the wharves, and will give three or four feet 

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more. This will make it the port of the country, for Vera 
Cruz cannot compete with this, and already a railroad is con- 
templated between the city of Mexico and Tampico. Near 
here I found an American who already, in January, was 
shipping tomatoes by the carload to Chicago and Cincinnati. 
From Tampico it is three hundred and twenty-one miles over 
the Mexican and Gulf Railway to Monterey. In building 
this railway some of the cross ties, cut in the adjacent forest, 
were of ebony, as on the Tehuantepec Railroad some of them 
are mahogany. Monterey is only some one hundred and sixty- 
eight miles from the Rio Grande, and has a colony of several 
thousand Americans. The appreciation in our standard of 
value amounts to a protective tariff in favor of Mexico of the 
difference between our currency and theirs of over ninety per 
cent. As a consequence, instead of shipping ores as formerly 
to the United States, large smelters have been put up here, 
and are doing a fine business. The " Saddle Back " Moun- 
tain, the Bishop's Palace, and other places are redolent with 
memories of the fighting days of a half century ago. It was 
here that Gen. Worth, instead of charging up the streets, 
with the frightful losses sustained by our other columns, hit 
upon the plan Marshal Lannes had adopted at the siege of 
Saragossa in 1810, and cut his way through house after house 
to the central Plaza, and thus compelled a surrender. 

Through a desire to visit the battlefield of Buena Vista, 
I turned back southward and ran down to Saltillo, seventy- 
five miles through a most picturesque succession of mountain 
cliffs. Though the railroad runs near to the famous battle- 
field, there is no station there, and it was necessary to stop 
at Saltillo and go six miles out by private conveyance. The 
Mexican War began, as is well known, in a contest for the 
little strip of land between the Nueces and the Rio Grande, 
Mexico claiming the former river as a boundary, and the 
United States the latter. Texas declared her independence 
in 1835, and after several battles made it good by the vic- 
tory of San Jacinto, in 1836, when Santa Anna, the president 
of Mexico, and commanding its armies, was captured. For 
ten years Texas was an independent nation, till she joined 
this country by treaty. The boundary question then became 
our quarrel. After winning the battles of Palo Alto and 
Resaca de la Palma, on this side of the Rio Grande, Gen. 
Taylor boldly advanced into Mexico and captured Monterey 
with the Mexican army defending it. He then proceeded 

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to Saltillo, some two hundred and fifty miles south of the 
Rio Grande, when he was deprived of all of his army, except 
less than five thousand volunteers, that they might be sent 
as re-enforcements to Gen. Scott, who was to land at Vera 
Cruz to march on the capital. Suddenly Gen. Taylor 
was notified that Santa Anna with some twenty-two thousand 
men was advancing upon him. That general had conceived 
the soldier-like idea of falling upon Taylor's reduced army 
and after crushing it to hurry back and meet Scott. 
Though he failed to crush Taylor, he in fact got back and 
fought Scott with the same troops at Cerro Gordo, below 
Jalapa, and among the cannon taken by us at Contreras were 
two which had been captured from Taylor at Buena Vista. 
On hearing of the enemy's advance, Gen. Taylor, instead 
of waiting to be besieged in Saltillo, moved forward to a 
mountain pass — Angostura, or " the narrows," which is the 
Mexican name for the battle, while we give it the name of 
Buena Vista, from a hacienda, or cluster of farm buildings, 
in rear of our lines, which is still standing. Thus during 
our late war nearly every battlefield had a different name 
given it by the opposing sides, and Waterloo, which is known 
by that name to the English, is known as Mont St. Jean 
to the French, and La Belle Alliance to the Germans. 
The accounts of battles, as well as their names, depend 
much upon the standpoint from which they are viewed. 
Had there been any doubt of Gen. Taylor's splendid abil- 
ity as a soldier, his choice of a battlefield stands to this 
day a proof that he understood his profession. A deep bar- 
ran ca or gulley running through the middle of the narrow 
plain makes it impossible to pass from one side to the 
other. On the left (facing south), running well out into the 
plain, is a long, very steep ridge, barring the passage except 
for a short distance between the end of the ridge and the 
barranca. This ridge was crowned with artillery, and breast- 
works were thrown up. Here, if anywhere, his four thousand 
seven hundred volunteers could hold in check Santa Anna's 
twenty-two thousand. The conflict took place on Feb. 22 
and 23, 1847. The only hope possible for the Mexicans was 
to break through our lines on the extreme left at the foot of 
the mountain, and to take us in the rear by a force passing 
through a gap some miles further on near Saltillo. Both at- 
tempts were made, and twice the battle seemed lost. Col. 
Bowles' Second Indiana, which was broken by the enemy's 

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masses, in their flight ran squarely into the enemy's column, 
which, having come through the pass, had taken us in reverse. 
One account says that it was the utter abandon of these fugi- 
tives in running into them, and which the Mexicans mistook 
for a most reckless charge, which put tliis flanking column in 
our rear to flight. However that may be, there was enough 
gallant fighting and bloodshed on both sides. The Americans 
had the decided advantage in position, and they held it by a 
close margin. Santa Anna hurried back to meet Gen. 
Scott coming up on the line from Vera Cruz. The fight at 
Buena Vista made Gen. Taylor President of the United 
States. He was a splendid soldier and a man of strong com- 
mon sense, though his opponents called him " an old frontier 
Colonel," and it was said that in all his life he had never cast 
a ballot. The same battle made his second in command, Gen. 
Joseph H. Lane, later a candidate for Vice-President, and 
gave to Col. Jefferson Davis, Gen. Taylor's son-in-law, 
the prestige which carried him into the United States 
Senate, made him United States Secretary of War, and finally 
President of the Southern Confederacy ; while Gen. Tay- 
lor's remark to the captain of a battery, " Give them a 
little more grape, Captain Bragg," started a popularity which 
ultimated in putting the latter in command of the Confeder- 
ate Army of the West, in which position his marked inca- 
pacity and defects enabled him to damage the Confederacy 
more than any general that ever was opposed to him. These 
are a very few of the tlungs effected by holding these 
few rods of ground, a result which long swung evenly in the 
balance, and which might have been changed by some acci- 
dent of slight import, for great events often depend on very 
small ones. The battle, which, from the numbers of Ameri- 
cans engaged, would have been of small importance a little 
over a dozen years later, at the time created an immense sen- 
sation. Among the triumphal poetry written was that by Al- 
bert Pike, beginning : 

" From the Rio Grande's waters to the icy lakes of Maine, 
Let all exult, for we have met the enemy again ! 
Beneath his stern old mountains we've met him in his pride, 
And rolled from Buena Vista back the battle's bloody tide.'' 

Among the dead fallen on this field few were more re- 
gretted than the gallant young Lieut.-Col. Henry Clay of 
Kentucky, son of the " Great Harry of the West." All 
through this war the Mexicans fought well. It would 

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derogate from the truth of history and the glory of our own 
army to deny this. But they were torn by civil war among 
themselves, and their finances were broken down, and too 
many of their generals were merely prominent politicians. 
Could President Polk have succeeded in his effort to super- 
sede Gen. Scott with a politician, — an able man, but not 
a trained soldier, Thomas H. Benton, — no one can tell what 
would have been the result. As it was, our two armies were 
commanded by our two ablest and best trained generals. So 
great were the dissensions among the Mexicans that after 
the capture of the city of Mexico it was difficult to ascer- 
tain exactly with whom to make peace. This was signed 
at Guadeloupe-Hidalgo (two miles north of the city of 
Mexico), which is noted as the place of the apparition of the 
Virgin. At the same spot Santa Anna, who was five times 
president or dictator and thrice exiled, and who had belonged in 
turn to all parties, reposes in the quiet of the grave after his 
restless life. By our two treaties with Mexico we obtained 
over half of the former territory of that country, paying 
twenty-five millions of dollars, however, for it, apparently 
then a poor bargain, for the ceded territory at that time was 
not much more than waste land — we had previously ac- 
quired Texas. The subsequent discovery of gold in Cali- 
fornia, the advent of railroads, and the energy and talent 
of the incoming American population have absolutely trans- 
formed the annexed territory and made it the splendid coun- 
try it is to-day. At the time it was apparently a poor return 
for the blood and treasure spent in the war, exclusive of 
the purchase money. Indeed, even now the one hundred and 
fifty miles of Mexico next to the United States is its most 
unpromising and least inviting territory. No one who has 
not passed beyond the northern tier of Mexican States can 
have any idea of the scenery, climate, or resources of the 
country, which steadily improves as one goes southward. 

Returning by way of Monterey, a run of two hundred and 
fifty miles brought me to the Rio Grande at Laredo. The 
river, which is crossed on a handsome steel bridge with stone 
pillars, is of course very much larger here than at El Paso, 
where I had passed over it on my entrance into the country. 
The frontier at Laredo is eight hundred and forty miles from 
the city of Mexico, and at El Paso it is one thousand two 
hundred and twenty-four miles. 

A tour to Mexico will correct many preconceived opinions 

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of that country. There can also be seen the effect of 
money being maintained at its old value, not doubled (a.s 
with us) by legislative manipulation. If it be said that 
Mexico is still inferior to us in many things, then the greater 
is the just condemnation of the men who by their financial 
policy have made us so inferior in prosperity. If it be said 
that Mexican laborers are paid less than ours, the answer is, 
How much worse would have been their condition if Mexico 
had listened to the agents of the Rothschilds as we did and 
reduced cotton from sixteen cents per pound to seven cents ? 
And we may also ask how much better off the wealth pro- 
ducers of this country would have been if we also had repulsed 
the same tempter, and for the last dozen years or more our 
farmers, like those in Mexico, had been paying their debts and 
taxes by selling cotton at fourteen to twenty cents, and wheat 
and corn at $1 to $1.50 according to the season. 

From Laredo I passed through the Nueces section, the 
original bone of contention between the two countries, and 
then, crossing the Nueces, on to San Antonio. Here the his- 
toric Alamo still stands, in which one hundred and eighty- 
five Texans held at bay Santa Anna with four thousand 
troops. The latter at last took the fort, but not one defender 
was left alive. The grand but simple lines engraved on the 
building tell the heroic story : 

" Thermopylae had its messenger of defeat — the Alamo had none." 

It was midnight when I boarded the east-bound train for 
New Orleans, as it rolled out into the boundless plains and 
beneath the darkened skies flecked with the countless worlds 
which shed their light on ours. 

Power, which is "ever stealing from the many to the 
few," has with us already passed into the hands of the con- 
solidated capital of the country, but, as in all such cases, the 
forms and fiction of a republic remain to deceive the people, 
while the actual exercise of power is in the hands of the 
plutocracy. The middle class is being destroyed, the 
farmers are gradually being changed into peasantry, the lower 
class is enlarging. Can the people be aroused to stop this 
before it is too late? 

A visit to Mexico shows the great prosperity which re- 
wards a country which refuses to change its standard of 
value in order to double the debts and taxes of the masses, and 
to divide the prices of produce that thereby the property of 

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bondholders and millionnaires may be doubled. It shows, 
too, the prosperity which will come to us if we shall be wise 
and strong enough to revert to that financial system under 
which we were prosperous and from which we should never 
have departed. 

Will we, can we, undo the wrong ? As the long train rolled 
eastward in the darkness there was the assured conviction that 
it would meet the sun in its glory ; so may it not be that as this 
great orb of ours rolls eastward, amid the gloom of our 
financial night, it too will meet the light of the coming day, 
and that 

" Under the whitening wind of the future 
There rolls the wave of the world "? 


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Leaving the domestic affairs of the several States to those 
party organizations already occupied therewith, and believ- 
ing that the Senate of the United States is quick to respond 
to the clearly expressed will of the people, we confine our 
present attempt to the election of the President, Vice-Presi- 
dent, and Representatives in Congress on the following de- 
mands : 

FIRST, (a) That the mints of the United States shall 
be reopened to equally unrestricted coinage for gold and 
silver into the unlimited legal-tender money of the United 
States : the gold to issue in the present standard gold coins, 
and the silver to issue in the present standard silver dollars, 
(b) Depositors of the gold or silver at the mint to receive in 
lieu of coin, if they prefer, at the coining value thereof, coin- 
certificates which shall \ye redeemed on demand in gold or 
silver coin at the option and according to the convenience of 
the United States, (c) And as a safeguard against panic 
and money stringency the Secretary of the Treasury shall be 
empowered to Issue such coin-certificates additionally against 
deposits of inte res trbearing bonds of the United States, the 
interest accruing on the bonds to inure to the United States 
pending their re-exchange for the coin-certificates, which 
coin-certificates when returned shall be cancelled: provided 
that such additional issues of coin-certificates shall not reduce 
the percentage of coin and bullion reserved for coin-certifi- 
cates and silver-certificates below sixty per cent of the aggre- 
gate sum of coin-certificates and silver-certificates outstand- 
ing. The now outstanding silver-certificates, gold-certificates, 
and Treasury notes of 1890 to be retired as they come into 
the Treasury. 

This (a) is free coinage at 16 to 1, the convenient coin-certificate (h) 
to take the plaee'of gold-certificates, silver-certificates and Treasury notes 
of 1890. The safeguard (c) would provide for a temporary increase of 
$300,000,000 of paper money against the silver on hand in the Treasury 
April 1. 


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SECOND. The threatened competition with our South- 
em cotton mills of those of China and Japan, the increasing 
importations of long-stapled Egyptian in competition with 
our Sea Island cotton, and the ill effects of the abrogation of 
the tariff on wool along with the reduction in the tariff on 
woollen manufactures combine to evidence the fact that the 
time has not arrived to abandon an adequate protective tariff 
system in vain pursuit of the phantom of free trade. 

The effect of the wool schedule of the Wilson Bill has 
been to enrich the European manufacturer at the expense of 
our domestic manufacturer and enlarge the European mar- 
ket for foreign wools while lessening our home market for 
our domestic wools, occasioning an advance of two cents a 
pound for Port Phillip (Australian) wool in London, while 
unwashed Ohio wool has declined eleven cents a pound in 
Boston and New York; and producing such a depression of 
our home manufactures as has caused a reduction in wages 
of operatives and threatens to throw this branch of domestic 
labor out of all employment. 

We are r therefore, opposed to opening our home market of 
seventy millions of consumers to the foreigner on any pre- 
tence of procuring thereby a foreign market for the produc- 
tions of the United States. But we shall exact of our man- 
ufacturers that they accord to labor a liberal and more con- 
tinuously certain share of the protection accorded them ; and 
that the tariff devised shall afford also a protection to the 
farmer and the planter, and provide sufficient revenues for 
the necessary expenditures of government. 

This second demand meets the requirement of the great mass of Ameri- 
can labor, to whom MeKinley threatens to become the embodiment of 
the protective tariff. While my reports from all sections, including the 
new South, are overwhelmingly in favor of protection, comparatively few 
manufacturers favor the restoration of the MeKinley tariff. 

THIRD. We demand the application of the principle 
defined as the Initiative and Referendum to all national legis- 
lation which involves any radical change in public policy. 

A test of this principle, thus restricted to any radical change in public 
policy, seems warranted by the practice of Switzerland. The test may 
commend a broadening of the restriction, if found practicable. " Should 
the <jreat trunk linen of railway become a possession of the government?" 
would seem to be such a radical change in public policy as might wisely 
be referred to the people. 

FOURTH. We condemn Clevelandism utterly; that 
debauching of legislators with patronage to achieve legislar 

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tion opposed to the will of the people is a vicious prostitu- 
tion of Executive influence, which we shall denounce as 
bitterly if it be the practice of an Executive elected as a 
Republican as when the practice of one -elected as a Demo- 

If all who have become distrustful of old parties and tired of boss rule 
will unite in these demands and nominate, on this platform, some man of 
such achievements as commend him to the conservative element of the 
country, and who is not a seeker after the preferment, he can be elected 
in the approaching campaign to the Presidency of the United States. 

If the Democratic platform demands the reopening of the mints to 
silver, as now seems likely, all the powers of the Democratic (?) Admin- 
istration will be used to compass the defeat of the Democratic candidate. 
The prosperity to accrue to the people under the adoption of that policy 
would put in shameful contrast the current results of the Administration's 

If the Republican platform demands, unequivocally, the reopening of 
the mints to silver, the Democratic platform will necessarily demand: the 
same, and the contest will be narrowed thereby to a protective tariff 
against free trade. 

Wtlltam P. St. John. 

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Evils of the Present System (continued). 

The ninth evil of our telegraphic system is discrimination. 
We have already spoken of the Western Union's unjust dis- 
tinctions as to wages in the case of men doing the same work, 
and of its absurd discrimination against women en masse. 1 
We have now to discuss its injurious discriminations against 
certain persons and localities and in favor of others in respect 
to rates and service. 

Sometimes the discrimination takes the form of refusing 
to render certain services to certain persons. For example, 
a merchant who is a member of the exchange can send a 
message four or five hundred miles from New York to Brad- 
ford in the oil region for ten cents and get an immediate 
reply, but a merchant who is not a memt)er of the exchange 
cannot obtain any such service ; he must go to another office 
and pay twenty-five cents and wait an hour or two for his 
answer. 2 Sometimes the company refuses to receive any 
messages at all from certain persons or for certain persons, 3 
or declines to allow certain messages to go over its wires. 4 

1 The managers say that a man is paid more than a woman for the same work 
because a man needs more. He may get married and have a family to support. As 
a matter of fact, however, such considerations have nothing to do with Western 
Union policy. No difference is made between the salaries of married and unmarried 
men. Under present conditions a worker should not be paid less than the worth of 
her work simply because her need may be less. 1 f the burdens of the worker were the 
guide, many an unmarried man and woman and many a married woman has quite as 
much need of good pay to support those dependent ui»on him or herns could ever occur 
in the case of a married man. I f the Western Union really pay with a view to the re- 
quirements of married life, why is it that they pay so little that even their male 
operators cannot, as a rule, afford to marry, as we have seen is the case? The fact is 
that Western Union wages are simply auction prices for labor depressed as much as 
the buyer is able, and women, having home support of some degree in a greater num- 
ber of cases than men, are able to sell their time for less than the average for men. 

2 Sen. Rep. 577, part II., pp. 69, G3. 

3 II. Rep. 126, 43-2, p. 11. 

* Congressional Record, 1875, vol. ill., p. 1422, where Mr. Albright telle how a com- 
mittee (of which he was a member) sent to gather testimony at the South found it im- 
possible to telegraph the facte to the North. 


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At other times the discrimination consists in delay, 6 confine- 
ment of market reports or other news to a few favored indi- 
viduals for an hour or two, transmission by devious routes, 
violations of the due order of transmission, 'unjust distinctions 
as to rates, giving rebates to favored individuals, 6 persecuting 
others to compel their submission to the telegraph managers 
or punish them for a personal difference, etc. 

Mr. D. H. Craig tells of a case in wliich the telegraph 
managers took up a personal quarrel and gave orders not to 
send C's messages until some time after rival reports had 
been forwarded. And C had to establish a horse express to 
carry his messages, with a loss of five hours' time and serious 
expense. The news came regularly from abroad, and as soon 
as the steamer was signalled at Halifax "one of the tele- 
graph lines was conveniently out of order, and the operator 
on the other was ordered to send me the Bible and continue 
till the arrival of my horse express ".(five hours). 7 

The Washburn committee reported that " rules of prece- 
dence in the transmission of messages are systematically dis- 
regarded by the leading American company." 8 

" Stock exchange business has the right of way over the wires in pref- 
erence to any communication of a personal or social nature.'' 9 

The directors and managers of the Western Union are stock 
speculators and they favor their own class. 

" The laws of the United States require the telegraph companies to 
transmit Government business ahead of every other business, but they 
never have done it. They did not do it on the Pacific line, and they have 
not done it on any other telegraph line. A message known as O. *N. D. 
(the commercial news dei>artinent) has precedence over everything 
else." 10 

An operator's testimony given to the Henderson committee 

informs us that "the Western Union favors one class of 

business and wilfully neglects to do justice'to another. Cer- 

« " To delay a telegram which, in the words of the Western Union Company itself, 
• from Its very nature requires instant transmission and delivery,* is no less a crime 
than to rob or delay the mail, and yet it is the constant and dally practice of the 
company aforesaid." II. Rep. 114, p v 11. 

6 Rebates amounting to twenty, twenty five, and even fifty per cent have been 
given by the telegraph companies to influential business men in times of competition. 
Bingham Com. p. 25, testimony of A. B. Chandler, president of the Postal Telegraph 

7 Blair Com. vol. ii., p. 1279. 

8 H. Rep. 114, p. 10. 

9 Wanamaker, 1890, p. 223. 

10 Bingham Com., Testimony of Victor Rosewater, a former Western Union man- 
ager, p. 6. 

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tain business, mostly brokers' messages, has special rights 
over everything else. The operator who is sending death 
messages, messages that summon children to the bedside of 
dying parents, or transacts legitimate business of merchants 
and manufacturers, is often obliged to lay them aside in order 
that the wires may be used for the business of a trust, a 
monopoly, or a ring of speculators." ll " The discrimination 
between the messages of different customers both as to rates 
• and order of transmission" was classed by Postmaster Gen- 
eral Creswell among the four great and growing evils of the 
private telegraph. He prepared tables of existing telegraph 
charges, and declared that " the tables show most clearly the 
inequality and discriminating character of the American 
tariffs as opposed to the generally uniform rates of Europe." 12 
The Ramsey committee also tabulated Western Union rates, 
and showed that very unequal charges were made for equal 
distances, and subject to very similar conditions except in 
respect to competition. 13 Similar inequalities exist to-day, 
though less in degree on the whole than formerly. A ten- 
cent rate is allowed in some cases for a service that costs 
twenty-five and fifty cents or more in other cases. A tele- 
graph company, like a railway, can by arranging its tariff do 
much to send business to a town or city and aid its growth, 
or to keep trade away and hinder its development as may 
happen to suit the interest or caprice of the managers. 

Victor Rosewater, testifying before the Bingham commit- 
tee in 1890, about the rates when he was manager of the 
Western Union at Omaha, spoke as follows: 

" While our rates from Omaha to San Francisco were never higher 
than $3 for a ten-word message, our rates to Denver were $4.50. 
Omaha to San Francisco, 1,700 miles, rate, $3; Omaha to New York, 
1,400 miles, rate, $5.65; from Omaha to Chicago, 500 miles, we charged 
$3.55; from Council Bluffs to Chicago, a distance onlv five miles less # 
than from Omaha to Chicago, we charged $1.55, a difference of $2 on' 

H I. T. U. Hearings, p. 5. 

« Creswell's Rep. Nov. 15, 1872. Wan. 1890, pp. 165, 156. 

13 Sen. Rep. 18 and Sen. Rep. 242, 42-3, p. 9. 

The first states that the 

Rate from Washington to Boston was $0.55 

" " " Waltham, 10 miles out of Boston 1.75 

" " " "Chicago 1.75 

44 •• " " Geneva, 40 miles from Chicago 3.00 

The second report shows very uneven charges for nearly equal distances. 
Washington to New York and Wllliamsport, 40 cts. and 75 cts. 

" " Wheeling, Albany, and Parkersburg, 30 cts., 80 cts., and $1.00. 

" " Indianapolis, Bangor, and Grand Haven, 50 cts., 90 cts., and $1.70. 

" " Memphis, Mobile, and St. Augustine, $1.25, $2.50, and $3.50. 

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every ten-word message in favor of Council Bluffs. I have known peo- 
ple to get on the stage coach, pay seventy-five cents fare from Omaha 
across the river to Council BlunV, and seventy-five cents hack, making 
$1.50, and still save fifty cents on a ten-word message to Chicago." u 

In his letter favoring public ownership of the telegraph, 
Cyrus W. Field lays much stress upon the fact that " A gov- 
ernment system would prevent unjust discriminations." 15 
Mr. Field is the only one of the Western Union directors, 
so far as I know, who has raised his voice against the com- 
pany's policy jof arbitrarily favoring certain pel-sons and lo- 
calities at the expense of others. After detailing a flagrant 
case, he says, " Such an unjust discrimination as this would 
not be allowed by the government for a day." 16 

By means of discrimination in rates or service or both, the 
telegraph company can turn the tide of business and prosperity 
toward a locality or an individual, or it can hinder the 
growth of a city and ruin a tradesman or a newspaper by ex- 
cessive rates or delaying messages, governing persons and 

(Xote IS continued. J 

The said second report (242) then proceeds to illustrate the arbitrary character 
of the whole tariff, as follows: 



Washington to Hanisburg . 
" Philadelphia 
" " Cumberland 
'• " Williamsport 
" •• New York . 
44 " Wheeling 
" " Wilmington, X. C. . 
•• " Pittsburg . 
44 •' Boston 
" " Cincinnati . 
•* •• Chicago 
44 " Indianapolis 
44 •• St. Louis 
44 " Memphis 
" " Des Moines . 
" " St. Augustine 
New York to Monistown 
44 " Albany . 

44 •* *• Boston . 

44 " " Pittsburg 

" '* " Xorwlch 

44 " " Easton . 

" " " New Haven 

•< >• <t >j ew Brunswick 

44 44 '* Concord 

•• 4< 44 Rochester 





















































H Bingham Com., Rosewater, p. 5. 
is H. Rep. 114, p. 70. 
16 Ibid. 

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places somewhat as a railway does by means of freight and 
passenger rates, the supply or non-6upply of cars, and the 
quickness or delay of transportation. 

In Cincinnati some yeare ago, a Mr. Davis started a bureau 
of information to keep the merchants posted on the state of 
the New York markets. He secured many subscribers and 
worked up a flourishing business. The Western Union saw 
the value of the enterprise, and established a " Commercial 
News Bureau " of their own for the purpose of furnishing 
these same market reports to the various cities throughout the 
country. They appointed an agent in Cincinnati, offering 
to take Davis's subscribers off his hands, and pay him a 
small part of what he was making out of his business. Davis 
refused, whereupon the Western Union told him they would 
break up his trade. They did, and Davis sued and got 
judgment for $3,000 damages. The evidence was conclu- 
sive that the Western Union, while receiving pay regularly 
from Davis for his despatches, purposely delayed them and 
sent them by circuitous routes ; whereas their own despatches 
of a similar nature were sent through in advance of all 
others. 17 

A few years ago two papers in San Francisco favored a 
postal telegraph a little too briskly. Their telegraph rates 
were raised. One of them died in consequence ; the other 
ceased to publish attacks on the Western Union, and was 
restored to good fellowship. 18 While Mr. Orton was presi- 
dent of the Western Union, a certain paper criticised some 

17 H. Rep. 114, p. 68. Contrary to their usual self-complacency under all circum- 
stances, the Western Union officers do not seem to enjoy discussing this Davis 
case, but when it has appeared necessary to do so they have followed their usual 
custom of varying the facts and contradicting even their own sworn testimony 
previously given. See H. Rep. 114, p. 100. This News Bureau case is referred to by Mr. 
Hubbard in Sen. Rep. 577. In the course of his remarks he said : •« The Western 
Union stopped sending his (Davis's) messages on the through line, and transmitted 
them on a way line. There was no priority for their messages. Oh, no! they only 
sent them on the through line, while the others went on the way line. Those that 
went by the way line were longer in getting through, and when received the cus- 
tomers of the Western Union had already received the prices and acted upon them. 
No priority, only the man was ruined." 

18 Sen. Rep. 577, part IF., p. 65. In the case of the Herald owned by John Nugent, the 
rates were raised 122 per cent or from 6.92 cents per word to 15.88 cents a word, while 
at the same time the rates to other papers were reduced from 2.4 to 1.2 cents a word. 
Being discriminated against and entirely excluded from the Press Association, he 
tried to establish news agencies of his own, but the news cost him twenty times as 
much as it did the Call or the Bulletin, or the other papers in San Francisco, equal 
despatches costing him ten to fifteen times as much as was paid by the combined pa- 
pers in the Associated Press of San Francisco. After losing In this way about $200,- 
000 in eight months he failed. Sen. Rep. 242, 42-3, p. 4; II. Rep. 125, 48-2, pp. 9, 11; 
I. T. U. Hearings, 1894, pp. 80, 50, 51. 

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act of his, and the next day, or the next, but one, the rates 
of that paper were doubled. It ceased to receive any tele- 
graphic despatches because it could not pay for them. 19 

Mr. A. P. Swineherd, editor of the Mining Journal, Mar- 
quette, Mich., wanted to start a daily, — a population of 150,- 
000 people desired a daily, and he wished to supply the need. 
A. daily cannot live without the telegraphic news. Fully aware 
of this, Mr. Swineherd made an agreement with the West- 
ern Union before moving further into his plan. He con- 
tracted for 3,500 words each week at* $30 a week and half 
a cent a word extra. On the strength of this he spent $5,000 
for materials and improvements in preparation for the 
daily. Then the Western Union refused to fulfil its agree- 
ment, telling Mr. Swineherd that he must get his news from 
the Associated Press ; if he got it from the United Press the 
telegraph rate would be $105 a week for 3,500 words. The 
Associated Press when applied to refused to give the ser- 
vice necessary for the paper, and demanded $1,000 bonus at 
the start for the service it would give. Mr. Swineherd 
would gladly have paid this extortion, but the service ofr 
fered was entirely unavailable, so that liis plan had to be 
abandoned at great loss. 20 

Lloyd Breeze, the editor of the Detroit Evening Journal, tes- 
tified that he had found it impossible to get into the Associated 
Press, or to obtain the market reports. The best he could 
get was a contract for special telegraphic news at one half the 
commercial rate. The result was that he had to pay from six to 
fifteen times as much for news as other papers did, and employ 
special correspondents beside. He added that the Western 
Union could abrogate the contract at any time, thereby com- 
pelling him to pay more than double the burdensome tele- 
graph taxes then resting upon him. 21 

This complaint that newspapers are barred out of the 
Associated Press, and so denied the benefit of low rates for 
telegraphic news, is of frequent occurrence in the congres- 
sional investigations. Such news being necessary to a large 
daily, it follows that the allied monopolies, the Western 
Union and the Associated Press, are able to dictate terms to 
any one proposing to start a new paper, and can checkmate 
his enterprise altogether if they wish to do so. They also 

» 8en. Rep. 577, part II., p. 65. 
» Sen. Rep. 677, part IT., p. 279. 
a Sen. Rep. 677, part II., p. 288. 

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have the power to destroy almost any existing daily, except 
the few that are wealthy enough to stand the drain of dis- 
criminating telegraph rates. The said monopolies have not 
been slow in recognizing their power nor at all abstemious in 
its exercise. 

The International Typographical Union complained at the 
hearings in 1894 that there was " a tremendous bar in the 
way of starting newspapers," it being practically impossible 
to start a daily without the consent of the Western Union 
and the Press Association, and that the chances were that 
" any paper attempting to assert its own individual opinion 
as against the Western Union would suffer for it." 22 The 
Hon. Marion Butler spoke of cases where one paper in a 
town enjoys a telegraph franchise and the other papers cannot 
get it. Mr. Quigg of the committee said: 

"•No doubt about that. To my mind that is one of the greatest evils 
we have to contend with, the fact that newspapers combine to create press 
associations, and thereby shut out other newspapers/' M 

The final responsibility, however, rests with the Western 
Union. It is Western Union favor that gives the press asso- 
ciations their power of life and death over so many dailies. 24 
It is the fact that the Western Union serves a paper in the 
association for a fraction of the price that must be paid for 
the same service by a paper not in the association — it is this 
fact that enables the press association to control the news- 
paper field. If the Western Union would stand for fair play 
and equal rates to all, and make it a part of the press agree- 
ment that all papers should receive the news at fair rates 
without discrimination, the Associated Press would lose its 
tyrannical power of exclusion. But the Western Union pre- 
fers to be a co-conspirator in the building of a press monopoly, 
because in return for its aid it gains a mighty, hold upon the 

This brings us to the tenth evil of our present system of 
distributing intelligence, viz., the infringement of the liberty 

22 I. T. IT. Hearing, pp. 30-32, 50 et seq. 

23 I. T. IT., p. 45. 

24 "The Western Union dtecrlmi nates against papers not belonging to theanHoda- 
tlon — the price for the same despatch Ih at leat<t double if the paper does not belong 
to the association." (Sen. Rep. 624, 43-2, p. 2.) The division of expenne In the Asso- 
ciation gives a further advantage of much weight in the cities. The Western Union, 
If it chose, could secure the equalization of all advantages In respect to the dally 
news, as stated In the text. 

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of the press. The Western Union and a numl)er of leading 
newspapers have formed a sort of double-star monopoly for 
mutual advantage and protection against competition. The 
understanding between the telegraph company and the press 
associations secures to the latter low rates and the power of 
excluding new papers from the field, and to the former a 
strong influence upon press despatches, the support of the 
papers in such associations, and the exclusive right to trans- 
mit and sell the market quotations. Besides the force of di- 
rect agreement and the powerful motives of mutual support 
that naturally develop between two individuals or corpora- 
tions working together year after year with an ever-present 
consciousness in each of the vital relation to its prosperity that 
is sustained by the other, — besides all this, the men who run 
the Western Union control a number of papers directly, and 
can control others whenever it may be thought best. The 
Western Union not only has the power of causing serious loss 
to newspapers that oppose it, — it has millions with which to 
buy the stock of an obnoxious paper, so capturing the fortress 
entire and spiking the guns or turning them against its 

In one of the Ramsey reports we read tliat " The presi- 
dent of the Western Union is a trustee of the New York 
Tribune, which is one of the Associated Press. The pub- 
lisher and one of the proprietors of the New York Times is 
a director in the Western Union Company." M Turn back to 
Part IV. and run over the names of the Western Union di- 
rectors, and you will begin to realize the tremendous influence 
over the press that results to the Western Union simply from 
the summation of the individual influences of its directors. 
And the Board of Directors is only the head-light, the smoke- 
stack, and the engineer, — the big locomotive is made up of 
all the power of the whole body of Western Union stock- 
holders, and its pull is tremendous. When we add to this 
the power of the company through its control of rates, and its 
alliance with the Associated Press, it becomes a matter of 
grateful surprise that so many papers have shown an inde- 
pendent spirit in. discussing the telegraph question. 

The Washburn committee reported that u the associations 
themselves, and consequently the newspapers, are com- 
pletely in the power of the telegraph companies, which can 

at any moment raise the rates for news telegrams to a par 
tt 8€n ^ — 4S _ 1> p 5 

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with those charged for private messages, and thus prevent 
their transmission almost altogether." * 

President Orton testified that the company had a compact 
with the Associated Press, by which the latter agreed to 
stand by the Western Union. 

Here is a copy of the agreement: 27 

Contract of Telegraph Company with the Press. [Extract.] 

"And said Associated Press agrees, that during the continuance of 
this agreement they and their agents, and all parties furnished by them 
with news for publication, and the agents of such parties, shall employ 
the said telegraph company, exclusively, to transmit to and from ail 
places reached by its lines, all telegraphic messages relating to the news 
or newspaper business; and that they icill not in any way encourage or 
support any opposition or competing telegraph company." 

Private Circular. (Not for Publication.) [Extract.] 

Cincinnati Commercial Office, April 15, 1867. 
To the members of the Western Associated Press : 

" Your attention is invited to the clause in our contract with the tele- 
graph company, which forbids us to encourage or support any opposition 
or competing telegraph company. That clause was to the telegraph 
company a valuable consideration for the favorable terms upon which 
they contracted with us." 

M. IIalstead, 

Ex-Com. W. A. Press. 

The press of Great Britain appears to have been nearly 
unanimous in its demand that the government should take 
control of the telegraph in that country, and have displayed 
an independence which might be imitated advantageously by 
some of our leading presses. Though the leading telegraph 
companies of England threatened the press that their 
despatches would be stopped in case they did not cease their 
advocacy of the telegraph bill, they did not cease, but 
talked stronger and plainer than before. As a specimen of 
the attempted interference with the freedom of the press, we 
quote the following from a letter addressed by the superin- 
tendent of the telegraph to the proprietor of the Belfast 
Whig ; who had advocated the postal bill : M 

" The time appears to have arrived when the directors should seri- 
ously consider whether the contract with your journal should be con- 
tinued, and I have no doubt they will come to a decision which may 
afford you an opportunity of making your own news arrangements on 
less exorbitant terms." 

26 H. Rep. 114, pp. 46, 47. 

87 From H. Rep. 114, p. 104; H. Rep. 125, p. 10; I. T. U. Hearings, p. 84; and Sen. 
Rep. 242, 43-1, p. 3. 
28 H. Rep. 114, p. 104. 

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The English committee, in examining the proprietor, said : M 

Question. u So the company had the power, if they wished it, of 
saying that you should not receive telegraphic news unless you took a 
particular line in your paper on particular questions? " 

Answer. " Yes.'' 

Question. " Is that a condition of things which could be tolerated by 
the editor of a newspaper ? '' 

Answer. u It is a condition of things that I should not tolerate at 
any rate, and I should think it would be intolerable to any man of 

Ill the second Ramsey report it is stated that " papers favor- 
ing the postal telegraph have subsequently either lost their 
telegraphic news or been provided with it at a price so high 
that they could not afford to pay it." w We have seen that 
death has sometimes resulted from this bleeding and blister- 
ing process prescribed by the Western Union doctors for re- 
moving dangerous symptoms of public spirit. Speaking of 
the feelings of editors who find themselves compelled to si- 
lence, complete or partial, the report says : 

"These geutlemen have regretted that they were thus controlled by the 
telegraph company, and that under its constant pressure they could not 
speak freely." 30 

Another passage from the same report is too important to 


u The operation of a postal telegraph system would result in the speedy 
termination of this alliance (between the press and the telegraph), and 
will be a very important step toward the freedom of the press." 3I 

D. H. Craig told the Blair committee that " The Western 
Union and the Press Association work together to ruin a 
paper that buys news from any competing telegraph hue. 
The editor of the only morning journal in one of the largest 
interior cities in New York State began to take news from a 
rival company, and refused to discontinue. The Western 
Union complained to the Associated Press, and its manager 
negotiated with the publisher of an evening paper to run a 
morning edition, pledging him free and exclusive telegraphic 
press reports for a year. The rebellious editor quickly 
yielded." 32 

The censorship of news established by the Associated 
Press is clearly contrary to the public good. All Eastern 
news goes to the agent of the Associated Press in New York 

» H. Rep. 114, pp. 46, 47. 

»8en. Rep. 242, 43-1, p. 22. 

» Ibid. p. 28. 

81 Ibid. p. 5. 

« Blair Com., vol. 11., pp. 1279, 1280. 

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and is " edited " by him to the newspapers of the nation. 
" This editing consists in selecting such parte as the central 
officer thinks proper to send out, and in modifying the lan- 
guage, etc.," 33 to adapt the matter to the use of the press. 
Senate Report 624, 1875, contains these significant words: 

u The new** furnished to every leading and almost everv other daily 
paper comes from one source, and its* prejmration, wherever it is collected, 
is under the direct supervision of the agent of the seven associated papers 
in New York. It is inevitable that the views, opinions, and interests of 
those seven paj>ers should he expressed through this channel, especially 
by the full or short reports upon topics they favor or oppose and by the 
bias of the writer's mind.** 34 

Gardiner G. Huhlwird said to the Hill committee: 

"The man who rules the Associated Press has an instrument for shap- 
ing the opinions of the millions which, by the constancy, universality, 
and rapidity of its action, defies competition. The events which take 
place in all business, political, and religious centres, together with the 
actions of public men and their imputed motives, are all presented simul- 
taneously to the public, from ocean to ocean, through this instrumental- 
ity. The agents who collect the news respond to the central authority at 
New York, and are subject to removal at its pleasure. Here is a power 
greater than anv ever wielded by the French Directory, because in an era 
when public opinion is omnipotent, it can give, withhold, or color the in- 
formation which shapes that opinion. It may impart an irresistible 
power to the caprice of an individual, and the reputation of the ablest 
and purest public man may l>e fatally tainted in every town and village 
of the continent by a midnight despatch. It is incompatible with public 
safety that such an exclusive power to speak to the whole public in the 
same moment, upon every subject, and thus to create public opinion, 
should be under the absolute control of a corporation." 35 

It is not much trouble for the Western Union to control the 
engine that carries opinions to millions of men. If it does 
not hold the lever in its own hand, it is in partnership with 
the engineer, who is under heavy obligations to it and might 
be subjected to enormous lasses by its displeasure. 

Mr. Thurber, representing the National Board of Trade, 
said to the Bingham committee during a description of a 
previous discussion of the telegraph question: 

"One reason why, perhaps, we have not had a postal telegraph long 
ago has been the fact of the close relations existing between the Western 
I'liioti Telegraph Company and the Associated Press, which latter cor- 
poration has daily educated public opinion in the opposite direction. Mr. 
Wimaii (a Western Union director who had just spoken) is evidently a 
fair man. lint unless Mr. Wiman sees to it that both sides of this ques- 
tion, as presented here to-day, are sent out with equal fairness over the 
wires, you may be sure that all the points he has made will go flashing 

S3 Sen. Rep. 577, p. IS, testimony of William Henry Smith, manager Associated 

M Sen. Rep. 624, 43-2, p. 3. 

as Sen. Rep. 577, 4S-1, testimony, p. 19. 

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out to all parts of this country, and that all those that have been made 
against him will find their resting place only in the published proceedings 
of the National Board of Trade. [Laughter and applause.] " 36 

It was well known that Dr. Green's testimony in behalf of 
the Western Union had been sent in full to leading papers 
all over the country free of charge, while it was impossible to 
get anything but very meagre and unsatisfactory reports of 
the opposing testimony, even on payment of the ordinary 
press rates. The only way to get such information was to em- 
ploy a special correspondent and pay special telegraph rates. 

When England bought the telegraph a strong effort was 

made to counteract the effect of the move upon public action 

on this country. The British post office assumed control 

Feb. 1, 1870. 

u Immediately thereafter efforts were made to discredit the British 
system in this country, and many were the ocean cable despatches re- 
ceived by the Associated Press and sent to the country by the Western 
Union Telegraph Company calculated to give an entirely false impression 
to the public/ 1 37 

One of these despatches was sent to the secretary of the 
British post office, and he said, " The cable despatch which 
you enclosed in your letter is nothing else than a series of 
malicious exaggerations with the very slightest groundwork 
of truth in them, strung together for the purpose of damag- 
ing your plan " of establishing a postal telegraph in America. 38 
Not only does the press monopoly select and color the news, 
it even forbids the papers receiving such news to criticise it. 89 

"The Associated Press has notified newspapers that they would with- 
hold the news from all papers that criticised such despatches. This 
power was exercised in the case of the Petersburgh Index.'''' 40 

Such an order we might expect from the Czar of Russia, 
but in America it is astounding, until we remember that a 
great industrial monopoly and a Czar are next of kin and 
very like, in disposition and methods of action. 

Freedom in temperate criticism and the sober expression of 
honest thought is one of the fundamental and all-important 
rights of man. No person or corporation should have the 
power to suppress criticism upon its own conduct or upon 
any other subject whatever. 

» Bingham committee, Thurber, p. 24. 
W H. Rep. 114, p. 8. 
» Ibid. 

» "The press reports, by the rule of the New York Associated Press, cannot be 
criticised by any paper receiving them." Sen. Rep. 624, 43-2, p. 3. 

* Sen. Rep. 242, 43-1, p. 3, Sen. Rep. 624, 43-2, p. 2, and Sen. Rep. 577, part II., p. 65. 

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No person or corporation should have the power to mould 
the daily news, or exclude any paper from printing it on 
equal terms with its rivals. It is doubtless true that there 
are too many newspapers already, 41 but the Western Union 
and the Associated Press are not the proper ones to decide 
whether or not a new paper shall be started or an old one 
depart this life. The success of a paper should depend upon 
its merit, not upon the favor of the Western Union or the 
assent of other papers. 

It is a good thing to gather the news to a central point and 
edit it to the country. An enormous amount of useless 
repetition is thereby avoided, and a better distribution of 
news secured. But very careful provision should be made 
to insure the impartiality of such editing and distributing. 
If the association were open to all newspapers on equal 
terms, and the editor-in-chief were elected by all the news- 
papers, each casting one vote, and were sworn to impartial 
service, subject to removal by a vote of dissatisfaction on the 
part of fifteen or twenty per cent of the constituent papers, — 
if any paper or papers choosing to pay extra for a special 
representative could have one entitled to a seat in the 
editing chamber with full access to all materials received, and 
authority to add a supplement to the chief's report, to cover 
important matters omitted or misstated by the chief, — if the 
report and supplements in full were sent to central points 
in various parts of the country, set up and sold as plate 
matter, at uniform rates, to all subscribing papers, — if each 
and every paper were free to criticise the despatches, — then 
we should have laid the foundation for a free and impartial 
press. The very presence of the supplemental editors would 
probably, as a rule, prevent the necessity of supplemental 
reports by their potential effect upon the chiefs reports. 

The first step toward the establishment of an unfettered 
press is a National Telegraph System carrying the news or 

41 Our helter-skelter competition has given us about one paper to seven hundred 
voters — In many an Eastern town one to three hundred voters. Co-operation and com 
mon sense will doubtless greatly diminish the number in the future. We shall have a 
paper to represent each great Interest as the Christian Advocate represents the 
Methodists, the Examiner the Baptists, the Outlook the Congregationallsts, the 
Youth's Companion the Instruction and entertainment of youth, etc. The church 
papers will probably some time unite into one representative of Christian life. 
We shall have other papers that represent the thought of great men, as the 
Liberator represented Garrison. But the great mass of local papers that people take 
to keep on the smooth side of the editors will die the death that sooner or later 
awaits all rubbish. 

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renting wires at very low rates on condition of impartial 
editing and distribution of despatches on some such plan as 
that outlined above or a better one. The chains of the 
Allied Monopolies will thus be broken, and the co ordinate 
growth of intelligence and co-operation will gradually free 
the press in larger and larger degree from the limitations 
placed upon it by ignorance, prejudice, and the strife of 
competitive business and politics. 

I hope the time will come when the news reports in chief 
and supplemental will be published each day at central 
points on sheets of uniform size devoted exclusively to con- 
densed and classified statements carefully indexed and 
divided into sections with black-faced headings. A file of 
such sheets would constitute a day-book of the world's 
history free of all extraneous matter. A man could buy the 
news without purchasing several rods of advertisements, and 
the cost would probably not exceed twenty-five cents a year 
to each subscriber. For the local news of towns, bulletin 
sheets, or, in many cases, bulletin boards would be amply 
sufficient. Some such organization* of the business of dis- 
tributing news* is sure to come because of its inherent econ- 
omy and its manifest advantages over the infinite confu- 
sions, entanglements, and duplications of the present system. 

With the growth of co-operation advertising will no 
longer be a battle of rival wares each seeking to force itself 
upon the public by the size and multitude of its appeals, but 
will shrink to the moderate bulk required by its true func- 
tion of affording information to those upon a quest. The 
mass of this service will also probably differentiate into a 
series of bulletins devoted exclusively to advertising. 

Freed from the burdens of obtaining, arranging, and 
printing vast duplications of news and advertisements, the 
papers will be able to devote themselves to the criticism of 
men and events, the enlightenment and amusement of man- 
kind, and the moulding of public opinion. Papers would 
live then, not because they controlled the press despatches 
or had a large advertising patronage, but because they said 
something the people wished to hear, because their editors 
were leaders of thought, selected by the subscribers to 
represent large co-operative interests as is now the case with 
the church papers and trade journals, or drawn to the work 
by their love of it and adopted by a wide constituency 
because of demonstrated power. In the good time coming 

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84 THE arena; 

we may hope to get the bulletins of news and advertise- 
ments and papers full of the best thoughts of leading thinkers 
on current events, and all unstained by words we should not 
wish impressed upon the brain of a lovely child. Why does 
not some one make a start right now by publishing a daily 
paper on as high a plane as the Youth's Companion weekly, 
containing the substance of legitimate news, with calm, 
strong comment, and introduce it into every school in the nation 
to be read and discussed in a sort of school congress half an 
hour or so each day ? It would do more to teach the boys 
and girls to think and talk than all the text-books in the 
world ; and growing up on such wholesome food, when they 
came to be men and women they would demand a clean and 
honest press, — pardon the digression, it's all a part of the 
great subject of die distribution of intelligence. 

(To be continued.) 

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In the discussion of the money question that is now agi- 
tating the people throughout the length and breadth of the 
land, the advocates of gold monometallism insist that we 
should have money that has "intrinsic valw; " that the ma- 
terial on which the money stamp is placed should possess an 
intrinsic value equal to the money value stamped upon it ; 
that gold possesses this property and that silver does not, and 
for this reason they favor a single gold standard. 

Are the premises true? Has gold intrinsic value? If the 
premises are not true, if gold has no intrinsic value, then 
some other reason must be assigned for monometallism. 

The word intrinsic means internal, inherent, not appar- 
ent or accidental, opposed to extrinsic. 

Now the fact is, gold has no intrinsic value whatever. 
All commodities have certain inherent or intrinsic proper- 
ties which tend to make the particular commodity more or 
less desirable, and to the extent that such properties in- 
fluence the desire for their possession, such inherent proper- 
ties may enhance their value or ratio of exchange, but value 
itself is independent of and extrinsic from all commodities. 

If value were intrinsic, if it were inherent in a tiling, it 
could not change or fluctuate. If the value of gold or silver 
were inherent in the metal, the same quantity of metal of 
the same degree of fineness would always be of the same 
value. In 1873, 371£ grains of pure silver were worth as 
much in all the markets of the world as 22.2 grains of pure 
gold. Now they are worth only about one half as much. Is 
it passible that the intrinsic value of one or both of these 
metals has changed since 1873? Certainly not. The intrin- 
sic properties of gold and silver are the same now as they 
were in 1873, as they always have been; but their relative 
values, when uncontrolled by legislation, are subject to great 

Value is a relative term and is necessarily extrinsic. 
Value is created and controlled by the law of supply and 
demand. The inherent or intrinsic properties of a thing may 

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be of such a character as to limit the supply and by limiting 

the supply may enhance the value ; or extrinsic circumstances 

may increase the demand and by so doing enhance the value ; 

but value always and under all circumstances is determined 

by the law of supply and demand. 

But what say the authorities on this question? Condillac, 

a celebrated French economist, says : 

" The value of a thing is founded on the want of it, or the demand for 
it. Therefore, if the want is more strongly felt, it gives the thing a 
greater value ; if the want is less felt, it gives it a less value. The value 
of a thing increases with its scarcity and decreases with its abundance. 
It may even on account of abundance decrease to nothing. A superfluity, 
for example, will have no value, if we can make no use of it." 

Gide, another Fiench economist, says : 

u Value, then, which is the dominating idea of all political economy, 
denotes nothing more than a fact which, in itself, is very simple*, the fact 
that a tiling is more or less desired. Were the word French, we should 
only have to say value is desirability. Since value arises from desire it 
proceeds from us rather than from things ; as we say nowadays, it is sub- 
jective far more than objective. It is not attached to objects which can be 
perceived ; it is born at the moment when desire awakes, and vanishes 
when it dies out. Like a butterfly, desire flutters from thing to thing, 
and value abides only where desire rests." 

Aristotle defined value as follows : 

u Value is not a quality of an object, but an affection of the mind. The 
sole origin, source, or cause of value is human desire. When there is a 
demand for things they have value; when the demand increases (the 
supply remaining the same) the value increases ; when the demand de- 
creases the value decreases. When the demand altogether ceases the 
value is altogether gone/' 

Prof. Perry, in his work on Political Economy, says : 

u A sudden change in the fashion will frequently take away at a stroke 
one half the value of goods that were fashionable but are so no longer. 
The matter is all there and the form of the matter is all there, but the 
value is one half escaped. It is clear that there is no inherent quality 
called value in anything. Value is the relation of mutual purchase estab- 
lished between two services by their exchange. Value starts in desire, 
gives birth to efforts, proceeds by estimates, and ends in satisfactions/' 

Senator Jones, in his great speech delivered in the United 

States Senate in October, 1893, said: 

" Qualities may be said to be inherent in objects, but value being a con- 
ception of the mind cannot be intrinsic or inherent. If value were intrin- 
sic, if it resided in an article, it could not l>e taken from it, and it could 
not be changed by changes in the number of objects of which value is 
asserted, or with modifications in the desires of men to become possessed 
of such articles. Qualities that are inherent do not vary with the shifts 
ing degrees of estimation in which they may be held by mankind. Hard- 
ness in a stone, gravity in lead do not sutler either augmentation or 
diminution by reason of anv increase or reduction of the appreciation of 
men. If value were intrinsic in articles it would remain intrinsic whether 
l>eople wanted them or not. But things can have no economic properties 

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by and of themselves ; those probities exist only because there are peo- 
ple. A thing can have no use unless some one wants to use it ; it can have 
no value unless, in addition to being wanted, some one is willing to incur 
sacrifice to obtain it/' 

Prof. Macleod, an eminent English economist, says : 

" Value, like distance or an equation, requires two objects. We cannot 
speak of absolute or intrinsic distance or equality. Single objects cannot 
be distant or equal. If we are told that an object is distant, or equal, we 
immediately ask — distant from what? or equal to what? So it is equally 
clear that a single object cannot have value. We must always ask — value 
in what? And it is clear that as it is absurd to speak of a single object hav- 
ing absolute or intrinsic distance, or having absolute or intrinsic equality, 
so it is. equally absurd to speak of an object having absolute or intrinsic 

Barbour, an able writer on economics, who lived about 

two hundred years ago, said: 

u Value is only the price of things ; that can never be certain, because 
to be certain it must at all times and in all places Ik? of the same value ; 
therefore nothing can have intrinsic value. But things have an intrin- 
sic virtue in themselves, which in aU places have the same virtue: as 
the loadstone to attract iron, and the several qualities which belong to 
herbs and drugs. But these things though they may have great virtue 
may be of small value or no price according to the place where they are 
plenty or scarce. Things have no value in themselves : it is opinion and 
fashion brings them into use and gives them value." 

The International Cyclopaedia, published in Boston in 1894, 

defines value as follows : 

" Value, in political economy, is one of those terms that demand atten- 
tion more for the clearing away of its application to vague and fallacious 
uses than for an attempt to give it a strict scientific definition. It has a 
distinct meaning only when it is used as 'value in exchange' and 
between things coexisting in time and place. Two articles each of 
which will bring $25 in Boston are equivalent in value there. Cost has 
nothing to do with value. If a bale of silk costs $500, and if from dis- 
ease of the silk-worm the price of the commodity rises so that it will bring 
$750, that is its value ; so also if there be a fall in price so that it will 
only bring $375, that is its value/' 

Prof. Jevons, in his work on Political Economy, says : 

" A student of economics has no hope of ever being clear and correct 
in his ideas of the science if he thinks of value as at all a thing or an object 
or even as anything which lies in a thing or object. Persons are thus led 
to speak of such a nonentity as intrinsic value. There are doubtless quali- 
ties inherent in such a substance as gold or iron which influence its value; 
but the word value, so far as it can be correctly used, merely expresses the 
circumstance of its exchanging in a certain ratio for some other substance. 

" Value hi exchange expresses nothing but a ratio, and the term should 
not he used in any other sense. To speak simply of the value of an ounce 
of gold is as absurd as to speak of the ratio of the number seventeen. What 
is the ratio of the number seventeen? The question admits of no answer, 
for there must be another muni >er named in order to make a ratio; and 
the ratio will differ according to the number suggested. ' , 

In a work entitled " Money and Mechanism of Exchange," 

Prof. Jevons says : 

u It has been usual to call the value of the metal contained in coin the 

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intrinsic value of the coin ; but this use of the word intrinsic is likely to 
give rise to fallacious notions concerning value, which is never an intrinsic 
property or existence, but merely a circumstance or external relation.*' 

There are certain properties in gold that make it desirable 
for certain uses independent of legislation, but gold derives 
its chief value from the fact that by virtue of law a certain 
quantity of it may be coined into a dollar and when so poined 
the dollar is a legal tender and lawful money. If the de- 
mand for it as a money metal is increased (as it would be by 
the demonetization of silver), its value will l>e increased ; while, 
on the other hand, if gold should be demonetized its value 
would almost entirely disappear. The stock of gold now in 
use as money amounts to something more than $3,500,000,000. 
There is enough in stock to supply the demand for use in 
the arts for seventy years. The artisan will not pay much 
for material that must be kept in stock seventy years before 
consumption. It is safe to say that if gold should be de- 
monetized, if the fictitious value given it by law should be 
taken from it, 22.2 grains of gold would not bring ten cents 
in the markets of the world ; that 90 per cent of the present 
value of gold is fictitious and caused solely by legislation. 

I liave devoted considerable space to the discussion of the 
phrase "intrinsic value," because it has been so long and so 
persistently asserted by the money kings, and especially by the 
gold monometallists, that gold has "intrinsic value," that 
it is a "standard of value" and a "measure of value," that 
many people who have made no special study of economics 
have been and are deceived, and because no man can 
understand the true character and function of money until 
he realizes the fact that there is no intrinsic value 
in anything. On account of the importance of a porrect 
understanding of the meaning of the word value I was 
not content with a simple statement of the fact that value 
is a relative term, and could not be intrinsic or inherent in 
anything; but I have introduced authorities that prove beyond 
the possibility of a doubt that there is no intrinsic value in 
the so-called precious metals, and that, consequently, the plea 
for gold money on account of its supposed intrinsic value is 

It is claimed by the gold-standard men that if we restore 
to silver its ancient right of free and unlimited coinage the 
United States would liecome the dumping-ground of all the 
cheap silver in the world. 

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If the United States should restore to silver its ancient 
right of free and unlimited coinage there would be no cheap 
silver in the world. The reason why silver is worth 
less (measured by gold) now than it was in 1873 is localise 
and only because of adverse legislation ; and when the laws 
that discriminate against silver are repealed, silver will 
resume its ancient place at the ratio existing prior to such 
adverse legislation. 

Men tell as that you cannot legislate value into a thing 
nor out of a thing, but that value is controlled by the inexo- 
rable law of supply and demand. Now, while it is true that value 
Ls controlled by the law of supply and demand, it is also true 
that anything which tends to increase the demand for a thing 
(the supply remaining the same) must necessarily enhance 
its value; and if the legislative demand is for the total 
supply, and if the legislative demand fixes a price at which 
the total supply will be received, it necessarily follows 
that the value of the commodity so fixed cannot fall below 
the price fixed. It might rise temporarily slightly al»ove the 
legislative limit, but it could not by any possibility fall 
below it. 

In order, however, to have this effect, the legislative 
demand must be for the total available supply. The reason 
why the Bland Bill or the Sherman Act did not restore silver 
to its ancient place as a money metal, at the ratio previously 
existing between gold and silver, was because the demand 
was not for the total available supply ; and an act to coin 
the American product, if such an act should be passed, would 
fail for the same reason. 

That legislation does influence values is not only self-evi- 
dent, it is historic. When the Bland Bill was passed in 1878 
(which provided for the coinage of not less than #2,000,000 
worth of silver per month) it created a demand for silver 
bullion that did not exist prior to its passage, and by reason 
of this increased demand, caused solely by legislation, silver 
rapidly advanced in value in all the markets of the world. 
Again, in 1890, when the United States Senate passed a free- 
coinage bill, and it was generally understood that it would 
pass the House, silver bullion rose in value in a few days from 
94 cents per ounce to $1.20 per ounce, not only in the United 
States, but also in Europe. And when legislation was 
adverse to silver in India in 1893, silver fell almost as much 
in value in twenty-four hours. In view of all of these facts 

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can there be any doubt that legislation did, in the instances 
named, affect the value of silver bullion ? 

If silver had free and unlimited coinage at the ratio of 16 
to 1 in the United States, silver bullion in this country would 
be worth $1.29 per ounce. No one disputes this proposition; 
it is self-evident. What would it be worth in London, Paris, 
or Berlin ? If the coinage were free and unlimited in the 
United States and there were no demand in Europe or Asia 
for this European bullion, it would be worth the mint price 
in the United States, less the cast of transportation to the 
United States ; there can be no question about it. 

Mr. Jevons, in his " Theory of Political Economy," published 
in 1879, page 137, says: 

"The ratio of equivalent weights of silver and gold, which had never 
l>efore risen much above 1G to 1, commenced to rise in 1874, and was at 
one time (July, 1876) as high as 22.5 to 1 in the London markets. Though 
it has since fallen, the ratio continues to l>e subject to frequent consider- 
able oscillations. The great production of silver in Nevada may contribute 
somewhat to this extraordinary result, but the principal cause must l>e 
the suspension of the French law of the double standard and the demoneti- 
zation of silver in Germany, Scandinavia, and elsewhere." 

Mr. Jevons says the principal cause of the divergence in 
the ratio between gold and silver was the " suspension of the 
French law of the double standard and the demonetization 
of silver in Germany, Scandinavia, and elsewhere." 

I propose to show that the only cause of the divergence be- 
tween the metals was the adverse silver legislation in the 
United States and elsewhere, and that the great production of 
silver in Nevada had nothing to do with it. 

Mr. Laughlin, in his work on Political Economy, publishes 
a chart by which he shows that the value of the world's pro- 
duction of gold from 1493 to 1850 was $3,314,550,000, and 
the value of the silver produced dining the same time was 
$7,358,450,000, or more than twice as much in value of sil- 
ver as of gold. From the same chart it ap{>ears that the 
value of the gold produced from 1850 to 1885 was $4,425,- 
525,000, and that the value of the silver produced during the 
same time was $2,397,475,000, only a little more than one 
half as much in value of silver as gold. During the first 
period named the ratio between gold and silver was much 
lower than during the second period. If the amount of the 
production had a controlling influence or any influence over the 
value of the bullion, the reverse of tliis would have been true. 

If the legislative demand is for the total available supply 

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of both gold and silver at a certain ratio, it necessarily follows 
that, while the value of the metals may fluctuate as com- 
pared with commodities, the ratio between the metals will 
remain unchanged. Of course there will be slight fluctua- 
tions arising from local causes. While neither of the metals 
can fall below the coinage value, either of them may tempo- 
rarily rise above it on account of some local demand. If 
silver should rise in value the ratio would fall. If gold 
should rise in value the ratio would rise. But as soon as the 
local demand was satisfied the former ratio would be restored. 
If the rise or fall in either of the metals was general, caused 
by an abundant yield of the mines or from any other reason, 
so long as free and unlimited coinage was guaranteed to both 
metals the metal changing in value would carry the other 
with it. 

In proof of the above proposition, I need only cite the 
facts shown by Mr. Jevons, that the value of gold fell 46 per 
cent between 1798 and 1809, and that from 1809 to 1849 it 
appreciated 145 per cent. 

In 1798 the commercial ratio between gold and silver was 
15.59 to 1, in 1809 it was 15.96 to 1, and in the mean time 
gold had fallen in value 46 per cent. If gold had not car- 
ried silver down with it, the ratio between gold and silver in 
1809 would have been 8.42 to 1. The ratio between gold 
and silver in 1809 was, as we have seen, 15.96 to 1, in 1849 it 
was 15.78 to 1, only a trifling fluctuation, but in the mean 
time gold had appreciated in value 145 per cent. In 1809 
15.96 pounds of silver were equal in value to one pound of 
gold, in 1849 gold had appreciated 145 per cent, and if it 
had not carried silver up with it, it would have taken, in 
1849, 39.68 pounds of silver to buy one pound of gold. But, 
as a matter of fact, the ratio between gold and silver in 1849 
was 15.78, a trifle lower than before the appreciation of gold. 
Is it not conclusively established from the above facts that a 
general rise or fall in the value of either of the metals will 
carry the other with it as long as free and unlimited coin- 
age Is guaranteed to both? and is it not necessarily true that 
the mass of both metals combined would be less liable to 
serious fluctation in value than either standing alone would 

Is it not also conclusively established from the foregoing 
facts that legislation can, by creating a demand for the total 
available supply of an article at a fixed price, prevent the 
article from falling below the price fixed, and that when the 

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legislative demand is for the total available supply of two 
metals such as gold and silver, to be used for a common pur- 
pose, and a ratio is established at which the total supply will 
be received, the ratio so fixed between the metals will re- 
main substantially invariable? The metals may rise or fall 
in value as measured by commodities, but they cannot change 
in value as measured by each other, except only such slight 
variations as may be produced by excessive local demands for 
either of the metals, and such slight variations will be tempo- 
rary only. 

That legislation may establish and maintain any ratio be- 
tween gold and silver, so long as they both have free and un- 
limited coinage, and that the ratio established by the country 
producing the greatest amount or able to control the greatest 
amount of bullion of either of the metals will have a con- 
trolling influence, is a fact well authenticated by history. 

The Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. XXII., page 73, says: 

u In Spain, by the edict of Medina (1497), the ratio was 10$. When 
America was first plundered the first fruits were gold, not silver; where- 
upon Spain, in 1546, and before the wealth of the silver mines of Potosi 
was known, raised the value of gold to 13£, and, as Spain then monop- 
olized the supply of the precious metals, the rest of the world was 
obliged to acquiesce in her valuation. During the following century 
Portugal obtained such immense quantities of gold from the East indies, 
Japan, and Brazil, that the value of her imports of this metal exceeded 
£3,000,000 a year, wiiilst those of Spain had dwindled to £500,000 in 
gold, and had only increased to £2,500,000 in silver. Portugal now 
governed the ratio, and in 1688 raised the value of gold to 
sixteen times that of silver. Except during a brief period of forty 
vears this ratio has ever since been maintained in Spanish and Brit- 
ish America and the United States. A century later the spoils 
of the Orient were exhausted, the Brazilian placers began to decline, 
and Portugal lost her importance. Spain thus again got control 
of the ratio, and, as her colonial produce was chiefly silver, she raised 
its value in 1775 from one sixteenth to one fifteenth and a half that of 
gold for the Peninsula, permitting it to remain at one sixteenth in the 
colonies. France, whose previous ratio (that of 1726) was 14$, adopted 
the Spanish ratio of 15| in 1785, and has adhered to it ever since. 
Those three historical ratios, and the bearing of each upon the others, 
have influenced all legislation on the subject, and, where there was no 
legislation, have governed the bullion market for more than two 

From the foregoing historical account* of the ratio between 
gold and silver it appears that any nation producing the 
greatest amount of the precious metals has always been able 
to control the ratio and fix the relative values of the metals. 

When Spain made her gold discoveries in America and 
obtained a considerable supply of this metal and anticipated 
still larger gold discoveries, she l>ecanie master of the situa- 
tion and at one stroke of the pen arbitrarily raised the value 

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of gold from 10$ to 1 to 13£ to 1, and "the rest of the 
world wa* obliged to acquiesce in her valuation." Why ? Be- 
cause she controlled the supply. 

A century afterward the little kingdom of Portugal, not one 
quarter as large as the State of California, and at that time 
not producing one tenth of the wealth now produced in Cali- 
fornia, was able to come to the front and dictate to the world 
what the ratio should be between gold and silver, simply be- 
cause at that time she was producing niore gold than any 
other nation in the world. She exercised her prerogative as 
the greatest gold producer, and arbitrarily raised the value of 
gold from 13^ to 1 to 16 to 1, and the rest of the world 
was obliged to acquiesce in her valuation. 

A century later, the mines theretofore controlled by Por- 
tugal having become exhausted, " Portugal lost her impor- 
tance," and Spain, then being a heavy producer of silver, 
again got control of the ratio and raised the value of silver, 
or reduced that of gold, which amounts to the same thing, 
from 16 to 1 to 15£ to 1, which ratio has remained the Euro- 
pean ratio since that time (1775). It also appears from the 
historical account quoted from the Britannica that the metal 
of which there was the greatest production was always the 
one that was increased in value. 

From the above and foregoing is it not conclusively 
shown that the relative value of gold and silver, so long as 
they have free and unlimited coinage, is not influenced in 
the slightest degree by the amount of bullion that may be 
produced of either of the metals? In the instances given by 
Laughlin when the greatest production was silver, silver was 
more valuable when measured by gold ; and when the greatest 
production was gold, then gold was more valuable when 
measured by silver. And in the instances cited in the Bri- 
tannica it was the metal of which there was the greatest 
production that was increased in value in every instance. It 
is the law and not the amount of the production that fixes 
and maintains the relative value of the metals. 

What are the facts to-day as to the production of silver, 
and where is it being produced? 

The report of the Director of the Mint dated June 24, 
1894, shows that the world's production of silver for the year 
1893, rated at the ratio of 16 to 1, amounted to #208,371,000. 
Of this amount the United States produced $77,575,700, 
and Mexico produced $57,375,600. The amount produced 
in the United States and Mexico was #134,951,300, and all 

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the balance of the world produced $73,419,700. But of 
this $73,419,700 the South American and Central American 
States, all of which are silver-using countries and equally 
interested with the United States in maintaining the price of 
silver, produced $25,044,700, and the Dominion of Canada 
produced $321,400, which makes a total production in 
America of $160,317,400, and all the balance of the world 
produced only $48,053,600. The amount actually produced 
in Europe was $19,155,100. The amount produced in Great 
Britain, the country that now assumes the prerogative of 
fixing the value of the silver bullion of the world, was 
$327,700. England's production of silver is less than two 
mills on the dollar of the total production. Instead of being 
able to dictate the value of silver bullion, she ought not to be 
consulted at all. She should have no voice in the matter. 
In fact Europe combined could not, as against the wishes of 
America, exert much, if any, influence on the value of silver. 
The amount of their production or of their actual consunip- 
tion of silver is too trifling to have any material influence 
on its market value. Europe requires a certain amount of 
silver bullion annually to keep up her supply of token money, 
even though she might discontinue its use as money of ulti- 
mate or final redemption. The amount now being consumed 
by her for coinage purposes averages about $32,000,000 an- 
nually, to which if you add the amount consumed by her in 
the arts it will be found that instead of having silver to sell, 
she annually consumes more than double the amount of silver 
that she produces. 

It may be a fine thing for Europe to allow her to fix the • 
price of silver bullion, but it is contrary to all precedent, and 
an outrage on the silver-producing countries. America pro- 
duces more than three times as much silver as all the balance 
of the world, and more than ten times as much as the amount 
produced in Europe. 

The total amount of silver produced in the world, outside 
of America, is not sufficient to supply the demands of Europe 
for coinage purposes and for use in the arte. It is not suffi- 
cient to supply the demand of India for coinage purposes 
alone. It would hardly be sufficient to keep the silver gods 
of China in decent repair, to say nothing about the necessity 
of a new one now and then. 

Mexico, and in fact all of the South American and Cen- 
tral American States, are equally interested with us in main- 
taining the price of silver bullion, and will gladly co-operate 

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with us in any effort we may make to restore silver to its former 
position and value in the monetary system of the world. It 
would be an act of imbecility for America, producing as it 
does more than three fourths of the silver produced in the 
world, and more than ten times as much as the European pro- 
duction, to allow Europe to fix the price of our silver bullion. 
We have no interests in common with Europe on the silver 
question. We are heavy producers of silver. We have sil- 
ver to sell. It is to our interest to maintain the price of 
silver bullion. Europe is a heavy consumer of silver. She 
does not produce enough to supply her demands. She 
must enter the market and buy silver, not only for coinage 
purposes, but for use in the arts. It is to her interest to buy 
silver at as low a price as possible. We cannot combine with 
Europe. Let us combine with those who have interests in 
common with us. 

America commands the supply of silver bullion. The an- 
nual consumption of silver for coinage purposes, notwith- 
standing the suspension of the coinage of silver by the Latin 
Union, averaged for the years 1891-2-3 over ftl 43,000,000, 
and the consumption in the arts for the same years averaged 
over $27,000,000 (see report of Director of the Mint for 
1894), making a total annual consumption of $170,000,000, 
only $48,000,000 of which are produced outside of America. 
After consuming all the silver bullion produced outside of 
America, the world must buy from us $122,000,000 worth of 
silver bullion annually for coinage purposes, and they must 
pay the price fixed by us if we have manhood enough left to fix 
a price. In fact, the world has been paying at the rate of about 
$1.29 per ounce for silver bullion ever since 1873, while we 
have received on an average only about two thirds that amount, 
and the speculators of Europe have been pocketing the differ- 
ence. Is it not about time to dispense with the European 
middleman and sell direct to the consumer at actual value? 

How about the gold production of the world ? 

The report of the Director of the Mint shows that the 
world's production of gold for the year 1893 was $155,521,- 
700, and that the amount produced in the various countries 
was as follows : 

Asia . 


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It appeal's from the above and foregoing that America is 
not only the greatest producer of silver in the world, but that 
she is also the greatest producer of gold. Certainly, then, 
according to precedent, she has the right to fix the ratio be- 
tween the metals^ and when she exercises her prerogative and 
fixes the ratio the world would be obliged U acquiesce in her 

The total output of gold of America, Asia, and Russia, all 
of which are silver-using countries, is $87,168,400, and the 
production of the rest of the world is but #68,353,300, and of 
this amount $ 29,305,800 is produced in Africa. Nearly all 
of the African gold is produced in the South African Repub- 
lic, a pure democracy in Southern Africa. Africa has but 
little interest in monetary affairs, and is never consulted on 
monetary matters. If the African product is deducted, or not 
counted on either side, we have for the world's annual pro- 
duction, exclusive of Africa, $126,215,900, of which America, 
Asia, and Russia produce $87,168,400, and the balance of t'.3 
world produces $39,047,500. 

The amount of gold produced in the countries now clamor- 
ing for a single gold standard is not enough by more than 
$11,000,000 to supply the demand for gold for use in the 
arts, even after counting in Australasia with the gold mono- 
metallists. All the gold produced in these countries and 
$11,000,000 worth of that produced in silver-using countries 
would be consumed in the arts before a single dollar's worth 
would be available for coinage purposes. 

The amount of gold produced in Europe, exclusive of Rus- 
sia, — and Russia is not clamoring for gold, Russia is a silver- 
standard country to-day, — is only $3,358,900, or a trifle more 
than two per cent of the total output. The greatest objec- 
tion to silver comes from England. England's bitter fight 
against silver dates from 1816, and from that time until the 
present she has constantly opposed its use as money. How 
much gold does she produce? In 1893 she produced the 
enormous sum of $42,300, less than three tenths of one mill 
on the dollar of the world's production for that year. To al- 
low a country virtually producing no gold or silver to dictate 
to the bullion-producing countries what the ratio between the 
metals shall be, or to have any influence whatever in fixing 
the ratio, or to be even consulted in any manner, is an out- 
rage on the intelligence of the rest of the world. 

But it may be claimed that Great Britain should be credited 

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with the gold produced in her colonies and dependencies. 
If tliis was done let us see how the account would stand. 

Gold produced in Great Britain $42,300 

" " " Australasia 35,688,600 

u " u Dominion of Canada . . . 927,200 

u " u British India 3,813,600 

" " " British Guiana . . . . 2,567,400 


But of the gold produced in Australasia $32,059,354 was 
coined into money in the Australian Mint (see report of Di- 
rector of the Mint), consequently that amount of the Aus- 
tralian bullion could not have been exported to England; 
therefore this amount must be deducted, which leaves 
#10,979,746 as the total supply that the mother country 
could by any possibility have received from her colonies. 

It may, however, be claimed that England should have 
credit for at least a part of the African output. Undoubtedly 
a portion of the gold mined in Africa is taken out by Eng- 
lish operators, but I have no means of ascertaining what pro- 
portion. The gold mines of Africa are common plunder for 
the entire world. Every nationality has its representatives 
in Africa digging for gold ; and as nine tenths of the world 
to day are using silver as full legal tender money, all of whom 
are interested in maintaining the value of silver, I take it for 
granted that the nine tenths can get away with as much 
African gold bullion as the other one tenth, consequently I 
leave the African output entirely out of the case. If, how- 
ever, Great Britain controlled all of it she would still have 
less than the American output. If she controlled all the 
African gold she would still have less than the demand for 
consumption, in the arts, to say nothing about controlling 
the coinage ratio of the world. 

If in 1546 Spain, simply because she was the greatest 
producer of gold, was able to arbitrarily establish and main- 
tain for one hundred years the ratio between gold and silver, 
and then Portugal, because she had become the greatest pro- 
ducer of gold, was able to arbitrarily raise its value as com- 
pared with silver and maintain her ratio for another hundred 
years, and if Spain, then having become again the greatest 
producer of the precious metals, but now, silver being the 
metal of which there was the greatest production, by her 
arbitrary edict was able to raise the value of silver as meas- 
ured by gold, and the rest of the world was obliged to ac- 
quiesce in these several valuations so fixed first by Spain, 

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then by Portugal, and afterward by Spain again, simply be- 
cause at the time the several ratios were fixed these nations 
were the greatest producers of gold or silver, what is to pre- 
vent the United States with her immense commerce, and 
annually producing, as she does, hundreds of millions of 
dollars' worth of the absolute necessaries of life that Europe 
needs and must have and can procure nowhere else, and con- 
trolling as she does a monopoly of both gold and silver, what 
is to prevent her from establishing and maintaining any ratio 
between the metals that she sees fit to establish ? Nothing 
but the ignorance, stupidity, cowardice, or rascality of the 
members of our National Legislature. 

Is there any danger of our getting too much silver money 
in the United States? The repoii of the Director of the 
Mint published in 1893 shows that the total amount of 
silver coin now in existence is $4,042,700,000. If we had 
all of it, it would make a per capita circulation of about $58 
for our present population, and that is not too much money 
for the business interests of this country. France has nearly 
that sum per capita, and France is now the most prosperous 
country in the world. 

In 1865 and 1866 we had in the United States, including 
the seven-thirty notes and the various other issues that were 
by law a legal tender and lawful money, a greater per capita 
circulation than all the silver in the world would give us 
now ; and it must be conceded that we then had the most 
prosperous times this country ever experienced. Even Hugh 
McCulloch admitted that at that time " the people were pros- 
perous and comparatively free from debt." 

But it is insisted by the gold-standard men that silver is 
too bulky and heavy to be used as money, that the silver we 
now have will not circulate, and that the government has im- 
poverished itself already in building vaults in which to store it. 

So far as its circulation as money is concerned we now 
have a law allowing any person who has ten or more silver 
dollars to deposit them with the Treasurer or any Assistant 
Treasurer of the United States and receive silver certificates 
therefor; and the only reason so much silver is now on de- 
posit is because the people prefer the certificates. Every 
silver dollar now on deposit in the United States Treasury is 
discharging the money function by its paper representative. 
Silver certificates could be advantageously used in the United 
States for every dollar of silver in existence in the world. 

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All the coined silver in the world could be put into a 
single room sixty-six feet square and sixty-six feet high. It 
would not take a very large vault to hold all of it ; and all 
this talk about impoverishing the government to build vaults 
to hold our silver is the veriest nonsense. 

But what is the probability of our getting all the silver in 
the world or any considerable portion of it ? 

About one half of the silver in the world is in India and 
China. India and China are silver-using countries. They 
do not use gold as money. China and India now are, and 
for many years have been, heavy consumers of silver. In 
order to obtain the amount of silver required by them they 
have established a ratio of 15 to 1. Every ounce of silver 
they have costs them $1.37. This certainly is not cheap 
silver. Not a dollar's worth of this silver could be brought 
to the United States without a loss of at least seven per 
cent to the shipper, besides cost of transportation. No one 
supposes, even the gold-standard men do not claim, that any 
silver would come to this country from Asia. 

The total amount of silver in Europe is $1,484,000,000, 
all of which is coined into money, none of it at a higher 
ratio than 15£ to 1, and most of it at a much lower ratio. 
None of the European silver is cheap silver, and none of 
it could be shipped to this country without a loss of at least 
three per cent to the shipper besides cost of transportation. 
None of it can be spared from the circulating medium of 
the several nations where it is now being used. as money. 

Not only can none of the stock now on hand be spared, 
but the demand in Europe is for more silver. In 1893 the 
amount of silver coined in Europe was over $34,000,000. 
And the amount coined for the years 1891-2-3 averaged 
over $32,000,000 annually (see Report of Director of the 
Mint for 1894). Europe has no silver to spare. The United 
States, under free and unlimited coinage, instead of importing 
silver, would continue in the future as she has been hi the 
past, a large exporter of silver bullion. 

It is insisted by the g6ld-standard advocates that the free 
coinage of silver would drive gold out of the country. Of 
course no person can know that such would be the result, he 
can only guess that such a thing might happen. These same 
men told us that the compulsory coinage of silver under the 
Bland Act would drive all the gold out of the country, but 
it did not do so. The report of the Director of the Mint 

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shows tliat in 1878, when the Bland Act became a law, there 
was but $213,000,000 in gold in the United States, and that 
from that time until 1893 there was coined in the United 
States from $2,000,000 to #4,000,000 of silver every month, 
and that hi 1893 we had $646,000,000 in gold in the United 
States. Instead of driving out the gold there was a constant 
stream of gold flowing into the country. They were cer- 
tainly false prophets in 1878, and we have no evidence that 
they have received any special inspiration since that time. 
There is not a particle of danger of silver driving gold out 
of the country. Foreign demand for gold may cause its 
exportation, but silver will not drive it out of the country. 

The report of the Director of the Mint for the year ending 
June 30, 1894, on page 57, shows that the world's production 
of silver for the years 1891, 1892, and 1893 amounted to 
$583,464,000, rated at the ratio of 16 to 1. The same 
report shows (page 54) that the annual consumption of sil- 
ver for use in the arts is $27,554,280. This will give a total 
consumption in the aits for the three years of $82,662,840. 
On page 270 the same report shows that the silver coinage 
of the world for the same time was $430,169,558. If these 
figures are correct,- — and without doubt they are substantially 
true, — there was a surplus left over each year, on an average, 
of $23,547,200 worth of silver bullion. 

The loss of silver from abrasion and from other causes is 
enormous. The Director of the Mint published a tabulated 
statement in 1893, from which it appears that the world's 
production of silver from 1492 to 1893, a period of four hun- 
dred years, was $9,726,072,000, and that the total amount of 
silver money in actual existence in 1893 was $4,042,700,000, 
less than one half of the amount produced. 

With such a ratio of loss, I tliink any fair-minded man 
will concede that the $23,547,200 yearly surplus will not l>e 
more than sufficient to make up the loss from abrasion and 
accident to the stock of coin now in existence. 

Is there enough gold to furnish the people with the neces- 
sary circulating medium? Turning again to the report of 
the Director of the Mint for 1894, we find (on page 57) that 
the world's production of gold for the years 1891-2-3 
amounted to $432,470,000, or an annual average production 
of $144,118,666. On page 53 of the same report it is shown 
that the annual consumption of gold in the arts is $50,177,- 
300. This leaves for coinage purposes $93,941,366. 

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If gold is to be the money of the world, we shall find, by 
dividing the amount of gold available for coinage purposes 
by the population of the world, that it would give us an 
annual increase in the circulating medium of six cents per 
capita, providing none of the stock on hand was lost or de- 

But the advocates of the gold standard insist that it is not 
fair to divide the available supply by the total population of 
the world, because they say a large proportion of the peo- 
ple of the world do not use gold as money. Very well, sup- 
pose only one fourth of the people use gold as money ; then 
the annual per capita increase in circulation, provided none 
of the stock on hand be lost or destroyed in any manner, 
would be twenty-four cents. But would there not be some 
loss from abrasion and accidents ? The Director of the Mint, 
in. the tables heretofore referred to, published in 1893, shows 
that the world's production of gold since 1492 amounts to 
£8,20-1,303,000, and that the total supply of gold money in 
existence Aug. 16, 1893, was $3,582,605,000. This shows a 
tremendous loss of gold, particularly when we take into con- 
federation the fact that more than two thirds of the eight 
billion dollars' worth of gold was produced within the last 
hundred years. There can be no question but that with a 
single gold standard there must be a constantly diminishing 
volume of money. 

None of the nations of Europe are benefited by the 
demonetization of silver except England, and all of them, 
vath the exception of England, would follow the United 
States in its remonetization. 

England is the great creditor nation of the world ; her 
imports are largely in excess of her exports ; she is therefore 
ioterested in having dear money and cheap commodities. If 
commodities are cheap and money dear, but little money will 
brt required to settle her balances of trade ; and if money is 
6Var, that is T if its purchasing power is great, the amount re- 
ceived as fixed charges on the interest-bearing obligations 
she holds against other nations and the people of other 
nationalities will be much more valuable, and will go farther 
in paying for such commodities as she must obtain from 
abroad than it would with a large volume of money in circu- 

Again, England, or English capitalists, who control the 
financial policy of England, are making large sums of money 

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annually in buying silver bullion at much less than its coin- 
age value from the American producer and exchanging it in 
India and other silver-using countries at its full coinage 
value for wheat, cotton, and other commodities for import 
into England. England will not agree to international 
bimetallism. It is not necessary to have her co-operation in 
order to maintain bimetallism. 

Bimetallism has existed since the first dawn of civilization ; 
England, however, as long ago as in the first half of the 
eighteenth century favored monometallism. Desiring dear 
money and cheap commodities, she exerted all the influence 
she possesses in favor of the discontinuance of the use of one 
of the metals ; and believing that silver would be the most 
abundant and that it was a plebeian money, the money of the 
common people, she sought to discredit it. Dutot in 1739, 
Dessortous in 1790, and Lord Liverpool in 1808, as the 
champions of the aristocracy and money lords of England, 
urged upon Parliament the propriety of monometallism. 
Finally, in 1816, silver was demonetized. Notwithstanding 
the fact, however, of the demonetization of silver by England, 
bimetallism was still maintained, all the mints of the world, 
except those of England, were still open to the free and un- 
limited coinage of silver, and silver did not depreciate a 
single point in value as compared with gold. England could 
accomplish nothing alone. Although she did all that she 
could do to discredit silver, silver remained on a parity with 
gold always at a ratio below 16 to 1, even in the Lon- 
don market, at all limes between 1816 and 1873. It was 
not until after the demonetization of silver by the United 
States, the greatest silver-producing country in the world, 
that silver began to decline in value as measured by gold. 

A peculiar combination of circumstances favored England 
in her war against silver in 1872-3. Germany, elated by 
her victory over France, adopted the single gold standard 
under the impression that the $1,000,000,000 gold indemnity 
extorted from France would place her upon a solid financial 
basis and make her a creditor nation. She obtained her 
gold standard, but instead of becoming a creditor nation she 
has so impoverished and degraded the great mass of her 
people as to imperil the very existence of the empire. Ger- 
many sees her mistake and would to-day be glad of any 
reasonable pretext to return to bimetallism. 

France has not demonetized silver, but only temporarily 

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closed her mints to its free coinage. She was obliged to do 
this to prevent Germany from unloading her silver upon 
France for still more French gold. The action of Germany 
and France, two great commercial nations, induced several of 
the smaller nations of Europe to discontinue the further 
coinage of silver, not because they did not like silver money, 
but to prevent Germany, who had a large stock of silver, 
from exchanging, after having demonetized it, her silver for 
their stock of gold. 

In the United States in 1873 our currency was paper 
money. Gold and silver were not used as a medium of ex- 
change. In 1873 an act was passed by Congress entitled 
" An Act revising and amending the laws relative to the 
Mint, assay offices, and coinage of the United States." 

It is charged that this act, which demonetized silver in the 
United States, was corruptly passed through both Houses of 
Congress. Whether British gold was used to corrupt cer- 
tain members of Congress is not, and probably never will be, 
positively known. But certain it is that not to exceed half a 
dozen members of Congress knew at the time of the passage 
of the act that it demonetized silver, and they said nothing 
about it in public. Certain it is that President Grant when 
he signed the act did not know that it demonetized silver. 
Certain it is that the press of the country, which was repre- 
sented in both Houses of Congress by their special reporters, 
knew nothing about it. Certain it is that the people had 
never petitioned Congress for any such legislation, and did 
not know that there had been any such until nearly two years 
after the passage of the act. 

The act demonetizing silver in the United States was the 
most important and far-reaching in its consequences of any act 
ever passed by Congress, and yet no paper published any- 
where in the United States at or near the time of its pas- 
sage contains any reference to it whatever. 

Had the United States at that time been using gold and 
silver as a medium of exchange, it would not have been 
possible to pass such an act without close scrutiny by 
the members of Congress and by the press of the country ; but 
no metallic money was in circulation, and an act to revise 
the laws of the Mint was at that time not considered of much 
importance ; and with the assurance of the chairman of the 
committee having the bill in charge that the act under con- 
sideration was simply an act revising the laws relative to the 

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Mint and assay offices, etc., it passed without careful inspec- 
tion. Such a combination of circumstances is not likely to 
occur in the United States again, and certainly no act to re- 
vise the Mint laws of the United States will ever again pass 
Congress without careful scrutiny. 

It is claimed that free coinage of silver would stimulate 
production to such an extent that we should soon have too 
much money, that everybody would rush to the mines, and 
that in a short time we should be flooded with money. It is 
quite probable that with the price of commodities as they now 
are, — wheat fifty cents per bushel, cotton five cents per 
pound, and other things in proportion, — many people 
would desert the farm and ranch for the mine, for the reason 
that they could realize more from their labor as miners than 
they could from raising commodities. 

But it should be borne in mind that the value of money is 
regulated by the amount of money in circulation, and that as 
the volume of money was increased, its purchasing power 
would be correspondingly decreased ; that as the purchasing 
power of money was reduced, commodities would increase in 
value, and a point would soon be reached where the individ- 
ual could realize more from his labor in producing commodi- 
ties than he could by mining silver. As soon as that point 
was reached the great mass of miners would desert the mine 
for the farm, and the further increase of money would cease. 

If coinage were free and unlimited, and extended to both 
metals, the system would become self-regulating. When the 
interests of the people demanded more money, more bullion 
would be produced ; when the demand for money was satis- 
fied, the energies of the people would be employed in produ- 
cing commodities. The only thing that could possibly inter- 
fere with this automatic regulation would be the exhaustion 
of the gold and silver mines, or the discovery of immense de- 
posits of the so-called precious metals in excess of the de- 
mand for money, — neither of which events is likely to occur. 
But should either of these things happen, it would only be 
necessary to limit the coinage, or use some other commodity 
as the bearer of the money stamp as the representative of 
the money function. It is not necessary, however, to cross 
this bridge until we get to it. 

If there is a large volume of money in circulation it will 
find its way into the hands of the people and it cannot be so 
easily cornered by trusts, syndicates, and combines ; but if 

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the volume of money is small, in proportion to the demand, 
it can be cornered by the money king. If the volume of 
money is small, its purchasing power is great and commodi- 
ties cheap, and the creditor class, the men with fixed in- 
comes and large capital, can manipulate the money and 
control the destiny of the people. 

There are thousands of men in moderate circumstances, 
men who to-day are producing commodities which they 
must sell on the market for less than the cost of production, 
men whose every interest would be promoted by bimetallism, 
that are shouting themselves hoarse for a single gold stand- 
ard, simply because such a standard is demanded by their 
paity leaders. These men are honest and unselfish, but 
they are blinded by partisan prejudice. But how about the 
honesty of the leaders, the men who are informed, who know 
the consequences that must result from the destruction of 
one half of the money in existence ? These men are not 
honest; but instigated by selfishness or by hope of party 
supremacy, in utter disregard of the misery, poverty, and 
alisolute serfdom and slavery that must be entailed on the 
great mass of the people, they have entered into the most 
gigantic and fiendish conspiracy ever conceived by man to 
enrich themselves and enslave the world. 

While the money-using people have been more than 
doubled within the last half century, and the demand for 
money has been more than quadrupled by reason of the 
immense advance in productive industry, these men propose 
to destroy one half of the money in existence and prevent 
the people from making any more. 

If a single gold standard is adopted, the annual production 
of gold will not be sufficient to supply the demand for use 
in the arts and keep the old stock good. If the single gold 
standard can be forced upon South America and Asia, gold 
must inevitably appreciate to at least four times its present 
value, commodities must decline to one fourth of the present 
price, and not a dollar for all time to come can be added to 
the circulating medium, but on the contrary there must be 
a constantly diminishing volume of money. 

This is the contest. If the money kings can force gold 
monometallism upon the world they will succeed in estal>- 
lishing the most gigantic moneyed aristocracy among the 
rich, and the worst system of peonage, serfdom, and slavery 
among the masses that has ever cui-sed the human race. 

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O Freedom ! If to me belong 
Nor mighty Milton's gift divine, 

Nor Marvell's wit and graceful song, 

Still with a love as deep and strong 
As theirs 1 lay, like them, my best guts on thy shrine! 

— Wkittier. 

Or should he deem wrong there at the public weal, 

Lo! the whole man seemed girt with flashing steel, 

His glance a sword thrust, and his words of ire 

Like thunder tones from some old prophet's lyre. — Hagnt. 

We already see, and the future will see it more clearly, that no party ever did a 
raster work than his party; that he, like Hampden and Milton, is a character not 
produced in common times. — E. C. Stedman. 

In the history of many an individual, especially among 
those who have left their impress on their age, there comes a 
time when the trend of life seems to turn on the most in- 
significant happening. This apparently destiny-shaping event 
or decision does not, of course, change the character of the 
individual, making him good or bad, when before he had 
been the opposite, although it may greatly strengthen and 
develop the good or bad characteristics of his nature ; for it 
must be borne in mind that behind the momentous though 
seemingly unimportant happening is the individual's person- 
ality with its dower of sunshine or shadow received through 
the complex and interblended influences of heredity and pre- 
natal and postnatal conditions. There is the brain with its 
potential grasp — its imagination and the marvellous al- 
chemic power by which ideas are transmuted into living 
agencies capable of influencing other minds and shaping the 
destiny of nations and civilizations. There is the conscience, 
awake or asleep, but ever present. There is the soul, await- 
ing the moving of the waters by the Spirit of God. Thus 
this trivial something which is so influential if not so abso- 
lutely destiny-fixing in character, acts as a branch which 
falling from a tree changes the course of a river near its 
source so that it flows into the ocean hundreds of miles from 
where it would have entered the sea had nothing deflected its 
current. Does anything happen in our world ? Have the 
if s of history any real place in serious contemplation ? Is 
man a creature of free will or of destiny ? Or do both these 


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agencies act and react upon each other ? I incline to think 
the last view correct. But the fact that the most momentous 
events in the history of humanity seem frequently to have 
hung on the most trivial occurrences, often the will of a frag- 
ile child (as, for example, in the case of the Maid of Or- 
leans), affords a most interesting subject for speculation. 
And so with the lives of many who have powerfully influ- 
enced the brain and conscience of their fellowmen ; frequently 
it seems that the current of their destiny has veered at the 
whim of chance or turned at the beck of a trifling circum- 

In the life of Whittier we find one of these momentous 
but seemingly insignificant incidents, — the sister secretly 
sends her brother's poem to William Lloyd Garrison, whose 
first impulse is to destroy without reading it. The young 
editor, however, is impelled to glance over the creation and 
is impressed with its power. He publishes it, and forthwith 
seeks to ascertain the name of the author ; after succeeding, 
he visits the Whittier homestead and urges the father to look 
favorably on the suggestion of his son securing a better 
education. This visit exerts a most pronounced effect upon 
the youthful poet. It fans to flame his ambition, leading him 
to make one of those all-compelling resolutions which brook 
no failure. He succeeds in entering the academy at Haver- 
hill, Mass., and is subsequently launched upon a literary 
career, editing three different journals during 1828 and 

For five years after entering public life Whittier practically 
refrained from casting in his lot with the despised band of 
Abolitionists, who were then the recipients of all the epi- 
thets of abuse which unreasoning prejudice and easy-going 
conventionalism employ so prodigally when seeking to clothe 
with ignominy those who insist on arousing the sleeping con- 
science of society by demanding a higher regard for the de- 
mands of justice and morality. The facts involved seem to 
clearly indicate that it was Garrison's influence which at last 
turned the scales, leading Whittier after his five years of 
waiting to boldly embrace the cause of Abolition. Not that 
his sympathies had at any time been other than with the cause 
of freedom, but he was a Quaker; he loved peace, and his 
intuitive mind quickly perceived, what many less far-seeing 
men failed to appreciate, that the onward movement of the 

•The American Manufacturer \ the Haverhill Gazette, and the New England Review. 

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Abolition cause meant riots, mobs, and bloodshed, — perhaps 
it meant war and the severance of the Union. He hoped to 
see the cause triumph peaceably, even if so it should be longer 
in the process of settlement. Then again he had political and 
literary ambitions- which he well knew would be blasted if 
he espoused the unpopular cause. He shrank from the con- 
tempt of his fellowmen, and he dreaded the savage conflict 
which he felt would follow an aggressive campaign for uncon- 
ditional abolition. He cherished as long as possible the hope 
that justice would triumph over greed ; but the time came 
when he could not answer Garrison's arguments to his own 
satisfaction, for he could not close his eyes to the fact that 
the trend of politics and the commercial demands and re- 
quirements of the time were distinctly opposed to his vision 
of gradual emancipation. In order to win electoral votes from 
the South, the two great parties throughout the North were 
vying with each other in disciplining those members w r ho 
pleaded for freedom and justice to all men. The cotton gin 
and the increase of rice culture made the dream of gradual 
emancipation thoroughly visionary; at least it seemed so to 
Whittier, who had carefully studied the question with an 
earnest desire to be convinced that the theory of gradual 
emancipation was probable, if the facts at all warranted such 
a conclusion. His hope, however, grew less and less the 
more he considered the question. Garrison, who through his 
early friendship with the poet was able to approach nearer to 
his conscience than any one else, brought all his influence to 
bear upon the young Quaker to convince him of his duty, and 
to outweigh Whittier's natural reluctance to engage in aggres- 
sive warfare, his supersensitiveness, and his ambition for polit- 
ical honors. 

In 1833 Whittier crossed the Rubicon by publishing at 
his own expense a carefully prepared argument on " Justice 
and Expediency." This done, he found himself forced into 
the heart of the band who were struggling for an interpreta- 
tion of freedom wider than the nation had yet recognized. 
His poem inscril>ed to Garrison * reveals his strong attachment 
to the friend of his youth and his admiration for the moral 

*This poem, according to Mr. Packard, was published in the Haverhill Guzette in 
November, 1831; while Mr. William Sloane Kennedy, in hit* " Life of Whittier," main, 
tains that it was not published until after "Justice and Expediency." If Mr. Pack- 
ard is correct, it Indicates that the strong attachment of the poet Yor Garrison, and 
his admiration for the man who was being so generally maligned, led to this outburst 
of feeling in verse which reflected the sentiments of the youthful editor who was not 
yet ready to cast in his lines with Garrison. 

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courage of the foremost apostle of Abolition, as will l>e seen 
from these stanzas : 

Champion of those who groan beneath 

Oppression's iron hand : 
In view of penury, hate, and death, 

I see thee fearless stand. 
Still l>earing up thy lofty brow, 

In the steadfast strength of truth, 
In manhood sealing well the vow 

And promise of thy youth. 

* * * * 

I love thee with a brother's love, 

I feel my pulses thrill, 
To mark thy spirit soar above 

The cloud of human ill. 
My heart hath leaped to answer thine, 

And echo back thy words, 
As leaps the warrior's at the shine 

And flash of kindred swords ! 

Have I not known thee well, and read 

Thy mighty purpose long? 
And watched the trials which have made 

Thy human spirit strong? 
And shall the slanderer's demon breath 

Avail with one like me, 
To dim the sunshine of my faith 

And earnest trust in thee? 

In taking his stand Whittier made one of those sublime 
sacrifices which evince the essential divinity immanent in 
man. For even those who do not sympathize with his decis- 
ion, deeming the action to have been unwise, unless they be 
blinded by unreasoning prejudice, will appreciate the grand- 
eur of soul which led an ambitious young man with most 
flattering political and literary prospects before him to turn 
his back upon honor, success, and the natural inclinations of 
liis nature, and consent to be a social outcast for the cause 
liis conscience approved; for no one was better acquainted 
with the nature of the sacrifice he was making than the poet. 
He had carefully surveyed the whole field from the posi- 
tion of one whose opportunities enabled him to comprehend 
the magnitude of the sacrifice. On this point Mr. William 
Sloane Kennedy observes : 

u When Whittier espoused the cause of the slave he had counted the 
cost, and knew that he was burying all hope of political preferment and 
literary gains. Those who gave themselves to the work knew not but 
that itmight he for a lifetime. To l>e shunned and spat upon by society, 
mobbed in public, and injured in one's business, — this was what it meant 
to become an Abolitionist. When Miss Mart'meuu avowed her sympathy 

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with them, society shut its doors in her face. When Longfellow put 
forth his little pamphlet of poems on slavery, weak and harmless as they 
were, the editor of Graham's Magazine wrote him to offer excuses for the 
brevity of a guarded notice of the poems, saying that the word 4 slaver}- ' 
was never allowed to appear in a Philadelphia periodical, and that the 
publisher of the magazine had objected to have even the name of the 
book appear in his pages. Allusion only can be made to a few of the in- 
numerable persecutions endured by the friends of the black race. How 
Lydia Maria Child was deprived of the use of the Athenaeum Library in 
Boston, because the flrst use she had made of it was to prepare her i Ap- 
peal;' how Dr. Follen was deprived of his professorship in Harvard 
College for his brave espousal of Abolitionism ; how Prudence CrandalTs 
schoolhouse was defiled with filth and its windows broken ; how Arthur 
Tappan's house was sacked and his life threatened; how Dr. Reuben 
Crandall (teacher of botany in Washington, D. C, and brother of 
Prudence Crandall), for having, at his own request, lent to a white citizen 
a copy of Whittier's 4 Justice and Expediency,' was kept in a damp city 
prison for eight months, until the seeds of consumption were sown and 
his life made a sacrifice ; how Amos Dresser was flogged in the public 
square of Nashville, and his fellow student of Lane Seminary, the elo- 
quent Marius R. Robinson, was dragged from his bed at night and tarred 
and feathered by ruffians, — all these things are matters of history." 

This noble sacrifice of the lower to the higher afforded 
the poet the keenest pleasure throughout life, as such soul- 
victories always afford high-minded, sincere natures ; and he 
attributed his later success largely to this momentous decis- 
ion. Toward the close of his life he said as much to a 
youth of fifteen years who sought his counsel, adding, " Join 
thyself to some unpopular but noble cause if thou wouldst 
succeed." The poet had in mind, without doubt, the only 
success which is worthy of the name, — success from which 
flow the triumph of right and the enlargement of human 

The meetings of the Abolitionists were frequently broken 
up by turbulent bands, even when no violence was shown, 
and many are the ludicrous incidents which occurred at these 
gatherings. On one occasion a lady who was accustomed to 
give the friends of freedom no end of trouble by her con- 
tinual interruptions, and who, being possessed of some wit, 
usually created great amusement among the unsympathetic 
onlookers who frequented all these assemblies, became so 
troublesome that in order to continue the meeting it was 
necessary to remove the loquacious lady in question. Fi- 
nally Wendell Phillip and two other gentlemen gently raised 
her chair and proceeded to carry her from the hall. She was 
by no means disconcerted, but in fact seemed to enjoy the 
situation. The trio had not proceeded far, however, when 
she broke the silence by exclaiming, " I am better off than 
my Master was, for he had but one ass to ride on, while I 

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have three to carry me." Whittier used to relate another 
amusing incident which occurred about this time. One of the 
public meetings became very stormy, more on account of the 
opposing views entertained by the friends of freedom than 
from the disorderly class who usually gave trouble. Now 
there were seated on the platform William Lloyd Garrison, 
whose head was very bald, William A. Burleigh, whose hair 
fell in a great mane on his shoulders, and a negro. Sud- 
denly, during a momentary lull, some one in the rear of the 
hall shouted, " Mr. Speaker, Mr. Speaker, I have only a 
word to say. If that negro will shave Burleigh, and make 
a wig for Garrison, all difference will be settled." The 
house instantly broke forth in roars of laughter wliich lasted 
for some time and seemed to put every one in a good humor, 
as from that moment the meeting passed off smoothly; a 
rare good humor seeming to have taken the place of the al- 
most bitter spirit which had prevailed a few moments before. 
In 1838 the beautiful new temple of freedom in Phila- 
delphia dedicated as Pennsylvania Hall was burned by a 
mob. Tliis act of lawlessness created a deep impression on 
many thoughtful minds throughout the North. In his edi- 
torial in the issue of the Pennsylvania Tribune, which ap- 
peared after the burning, Whittier speaks in these vivid, 
vital, and prophetic sentences of the outrage and the influ- 
ence which it would exert upon the friends of freedom : 

" Not in vain, we trust, has the persecution fallen upon us. Fresher 
and purer for the fiery baptism, the cause lives in our hearts. . . . Woe 
unto us if we falter through the fear of man ! . . . Citizens of Pennsyl- 
vania ! your rights as well as ours have been violated in this dreadful 
outrage. ... In the heart of vour free city, within view of the Hall of 
Independence, whose spire and roof reddened in the flame of the sacrifice, 
the deed has been done, — and the shout which greeted the falling ruin 
was the shout of Slavery over the grave of Liberty. . . . Are we pointed 
to the smoking ruins of that beautiful Temple of Freedom, which we 
fondly hoped would have long echoed the noble and free sentiments of a 
Franklin, a Kush, a Benezet, a Jay ; and as we look sadly on its early 
downfall, are we bidden to learn hence the fate of our own dwellings if 
we persevere? Think not the intimidation will drive us from our post. 
. . . We feel that God has called us to this work, and if it be his purpose 
that we should finish what we have begun, he can preserve us, though it 
be as in the lion's den or the sevenfold heated furnace." 

Whittier's poems during this period were thrown off at 
white heat. In later life he thus characterized them : 

" Of their defects from an artistic point of view it is not necessary to 
speak. They were the earnest and often vehement expression of the 
writer's thought and feeling at critical periods in the great conflict be- 
tween Freedom and Slavery. They were written with no expectation that 

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they would survive the occasions which called them forth; they were 
protests, alarm signals, trumpet calls to action, words wrung from the 
writer's heart, forged at white heat, and of course lacking the tinish and 
careful word selection which reflection and patient brooding over them 
might have given/' 

They were indeed trumpet calk, and did more to awaken 
the sleeping conscience of the nation than even our histo- 
rians appreciate. James Russell Lowell was profoundly im- 
pressed, and generously expressed his appreciation of Whitr 
tier in these striking lines : 

u Whittier has always been found faithful to the Muse's holy trust. 
He has not put his talent out at profitable interest, by catering to the in- 
solent and Pharisaical self-esteem of the times ; nor has he hidden it in 
the damask napkin of historical commonplaces, or a philanthropy too 
universal to concern itself with particular wrongs, the practical redressing 
of which is aU that renders philanthropy of value. Most poets are con- 
tent to follow the spirit of their age, as pigeons follow a leaky grain- 
cart, picking a kernel here and there out of the dry dust of the past. Not 
so with Whittier. From the heart of the onset upon the 6erried merce- 
naries of every tyranny, the chords of his iron-strung lyre clang with u 
martial and triumphant cheer ; and where Freedom's Spartan few main • 
tain their inviolate mountain pass against the assaults of slavery, his voice 
may be heard, clear and fearless, as if the victory were already won. It 
is with the highest satisfaction I send you the enclosed poem, every way 
worthy of our truly New England poet." 

And Thomas Wentworth Higginson, in a tribute to Wlrit- 
tier written some years since, thus expresses the wonderful 
influence exerted by the poet over his youthful imagination : 

At dawn of manhood came a voice to me 
That said to startled conscience, u Sleep no more." 

* * * * 

If any good to me or from me came 

Through life, and if no influence less divine 
Has quite usurped the place of duty's flame ; 

If aught rose worthy in this heart of mine, 
Aught that, viewed backward, wears no shade of shame ; 

Bless thee, old friend 5 for that high call was thine. 

This brings us to notice some of Whittier's poems relatr 
ing to the anti-slavery struggle. It cannot be expected that 
these stanzas will thrill or influence us as they did the north- 
ern mind during the exciting days when they were written, 
any more than the picture of an army rushing to savage 
death can awaken in a like degree the horror and sense of 
anguish that the actual battle would inspire. But, on the 
other hand, we at the present time, and especially those of us 
who have grown up since the terrible civil strife, can view 
these creations with eyes less blinded by partiality or preju- 
dice than would have been possible if we had attempted to 
estimate this phase of Whittier's life at an earlier day. We 

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who have grown to manhood and womanhood since the close 
of the Civil War shall be able to appreciate the high motives, 
the sincerity and superb power of the poet, even though the 
sympathies of some of us may run counter to his thought. 
We are furthermore able to accord him a degree of justice 
which it would net have been reasonable, perhaps, for us to 
expect those of an older generation to show ; for we appre- 
ciate the fact that he necessarily viewed the question of 
slavery from a point of view which prevented his gaining 
more than a partial grasp of the situation, and which pre- 
vented his knowing of the brighter aspects of plantation life, 
no less than the difficulties and perplexities which the south- 
erners had to grapple with, — about which indeed all the 
Abolitionists knew little. 

Having thus reached a point sufficiently removed from the 
conflict to enable us to judge justly and impartially view the 
work of the poet, whether we agree with him or dissent from 
his view, we pass to the notice of the poems more as the out- 
gushing of a prophetic soul that conscientiously sought to 
awaken the sleeping conscience of the people on an issue 
which he felt to be of paramount importance.; and in this 
judicial attitude we shall notice his creations apart from their 
partisan bearing or even their specific relation to the slavery 
question, as by maintaining this mental attitude we can more 
fairly consider Whittier's character as a typical reformer 
than would be possible if our views were colored by passion 
or prejudice. 

In the following lines the poet>seer strives through an ap- 
peal to reason, patriotism, and manhood, and man's innate 
sense of justice, to avert the gloom and horror of war, on 
the one hand, or the degradation which he felt the nation 
must sink into if it elected to perpetrate slavery after the 
conscience had been called to judgment : 

Up then, in Freedom's manly part, 

From graybeard eld to fiery youth, 
And on the nation's naked heart 

Scatter the living coals of truth ! 
Up, — while ye slumber, deeper yet 

The shadow of our shame is growing ! 
Up, — while ye pause, our sun may set 

In blood, around our altars flowing! 

Oh ! rouse ye, ere the storm comes forth, — 
The gathered wrath of God and man, — 

Like that which wasted Egypt's earth, 
When hail and lire above'it ran. 

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Hear ye no warnings in the air? 

Feel ye no earthquake underneath? 
Up, — vp ! why will ye .slumber where 

The sleeper only wakes in death? 

Up now for freedom ! — not in strife 

Like that your sterner fathers saw, — 
The awful waste of human life, — 

The glory and the guilt of war: 
But break the chain, — the yoke remove, 

And smite to earth oppression's rod 
With those mild arms of truth and love 

Made mighty through the living God ! 

The poem entitled " Massachusetts to Virginia " created a 
profound impression and was quoted at length throughout the 
North. The rugged spirit of freedom and the love of justice 
which characterized the sturdy Saxon people of olden time 
are very marked in these lines from this notable poem : 

We hear thy threats, Virginia ! thy stormy words and high 
Swell harshly on the southern winds which melt along our sky ; 
Yet not one brown, hard hand foregoes its honest labor here, — 
No hewer of our mountain oaks suspends his axe in fear. 

Wild are the waves which lash the reefs along St. George's bank, — 
Cold on the shore of Labrador the fog lies white and dank ; 
Through storm and wave and blinding mist, stout are the hearts which man 
The fishing-smacks of Marblehead, the sea-boats of Cape Ann. 

The cold north light and wintry sun glare on their icy forms, 
Bent grimly o'er their straining lines or wrestling with the storms; 
Free as the winds they drive before, rough as the waves they roam, 
They laugh to scorn the shiver's threat against their rocky home. 

Whal means the Old Dominion? Hath she forgot the day 
When o'er her conquered valleys swept the Briton's steel array? 
How, side by side with sons of hers, the Massachusetts men 
Encountered Tarleton's charge of tire and stout Cornwallis, then? 

Forgets she how the Bay State, in answer to the call 
Of her old House of Burgesses, spoke out from Faneuil Hall ? 
When, echoing back her Henry's cry, came pulsing on each breath 
Of Northern winds, the thrilling sounds of u Liberty or Death! " 

All that a sister State should do, all that a free State may, 
Heart, hand, and purse we plotter, as in our early day ; 
But that one dark, loathsome burden ye must stagger with alone, 
And reap the bitter harvest which ye yourselves have sown! 

* * * * 

Hold while ye may your struggling slaves, and burden God's free air 
With woman's shriek beneath the lash, and manhood's wild despair; 
Cling closer to the " cleaving curse " that writes upon your plains 
The blasting of Almighty wrath against a land of chains. 

We wage no war, — we lift no arm, — we fling no torch within 
The fire-damps of the quaking mine beneath your soil of sin ; 
We leave ye with your bondmen, to wrestle, while ye can, 
With the strong upward tendencies and godlike soui of man ! 

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But for us and for our children, the vow which we have given 
For freedom and humanity is registered in heaven ; 
No slave-hunt in our borders, — no pirate on our strand ! 
No fetters in the Bay State, — no slave upon our land ! 

The spirit which throbs through the above stanzas is that 
of justice, of progress and the dawn ; and whether we are pre- 
pared to see as Whittier saw or not, we must recognize the 
presence of the soul of right pulsating throughout the burn- 
ing words. 

The following extracts from some stanzas entitled "Texas " 
are not exactly what one would expect from a Quaker, the 
spirit being distinctly defiant, yet they must have been electri- 
fying in their effect upon the aroused conscience of men and 
women who were so far removed from slavery as to feel no 
personal interest in it, and who liad known little save the 
darker side of the evil. 

l T p the hillside, down the glen, 
Rouse the sleeping citizen ; 
Summon out the might of men ! 

Like a lion growling low, — • 
Like a night-storm rising slow, — 
Like the tread of unseen foe, — 

It is coming, — it is nigh ! 
Stand your homes and altars by ; 
On your own free thresholds die. 

Clang the bells in all your spires ; 
On the gray hills of your sires 
Fling to heaven your signal-fires. 

From Wachusett, lone and bleak, 

Unto Berkshire's tallest peak, 

Let the flame-tongued heralds speak. 

O, for God and duty stand, 
Heart to heart and "hand to hand, 
Round the old graves of the land. 

Whoso shrinks or falters now, 
Whoso to the yoke would bow, 
Brand the craven on his brow ! 

Whittier was unable to understand how men could yield 
to expediency when justice and the right were at stake. 
To his soul at white heat and strained to its utmost tension, 
the spectacle of men arguing that this or that though just 
was not politic and therefore should not be entertained, was 
so appalling that he scarcely knew how to frame words to 
utter his horror and indignation. In these lines, published 
in 1846, entitled "The Pine Tree," we hear a voice issuing 

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from a soul burdened by shame for the country and weighed 
with pity and grief : 

Lift again the stately emblem on the Bay State's rusted shield, 
Give to Northern winds the Pine-Tree on our banner's tattered field. 
Sons of men who sat in council with their Bibles round the board, 
Answering England's royal missive with a firm " Thus saith the Lor&V 
Rise again for Yiotne and freedom ! — set the battle in array ! — 
What the fathers did of* old time we their sons must do to-day. 

Tell us not of banks and tariffs, — cease your paltry pedler cries, — 
Shall the good State sink her honor that your gambling stock may rise? 
Would ye barter man for cotton? — That your gains may sum up higher, 
Must we kiss the feet of Moloch, pass our children through the fire? 
Is the dollar only real? — God and truth and right a dream? 
Weighed against your lying ledgers must our manhood kick the beam? 

O my God ! — for that free spirit which of old in Boston town 
Smote the Province House with terror, struck the crest of Andros down ! — 
For another strong-voiced Adams in the city streets to cry, 
44 Fp for God and Massachusetts! ''-^set your feet on Mammon's lie! 
Perish banks and perish traffic, — spin your cotton's latest pound, — 
But in Heaven's name keep your honor, — keep the heart of the Bay State 

In the following strong stanzas we again hear the prophet 
speaking. He has ascended the mountain far above the dull, 
plodding, self-absorbed millions. He has communed with the 
Divine, and the possibilities for progress, happiness, and ad- 
vancement which lie along the path of any j>eople who are 
ever loyal to the demands -of justice and humanity to all are 
no less vividly impressed on his mind than the awful night 
which confronts those who refuse to leave the mess of pottage 
found in self-gratification, and who yield allegiance to short- 
sighted selfism to the injury of others. There is something 
very fine and inspiring in these lines, and, what is still more 
important, they are as appropriate to-day as they were when 
the words flew from the biuin of the poet as sparks from 
the white-hot iron under the hammer of the smith. 

Forever ours ! for good or ill, on us the burden lies ; 

God's balance, watched by angels, is hung across the skies. 

Shall Justice, Truth, and Freedom turn the poised and trembling scale? 

Or shall the Evil triumph, and robber Wrong prevail? 

Shall the broad land o'er which our flag in starry splendor waves 

Forego through us its freedom, and bear the tread of slaves? 

The day is breaking in the East of which the prophets told, 

And brightens up the sky of time the Christian Age of Gold; 

Old Might to Right is yielding, hattle blade to clerkly pen, 

Earth's monarchs are her peoples, and her serfs stand up as men ; 

The isles rejoice together, in a day are nations born, 

And the slave walks free in Tunis, and by Stamboul's Golden Horn! 

The Crisis presses on us : face to face with us it stands^ 

With solemn lips of question, like the Sphinx in Egypt's sands! 

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This day we fashion Destiny, our web of Fate we spin ; 
This day for all hereafter choose we holiness or sin ; 
Even now from starry Ueriziin, or Ebal's cloudy crown, 
We call the dews of blessing or the bolts of cursing down. 

By all for which the martyrs bore their agony and shame ; 
By all the warning words of truth with which the prophets came ; 
By the Future which awaits us; by all the hopes which cast 
Their faint and trembling beams across the blackness of the Past ; 
And by the blessed thought of Ilim who for Earth's freedom died, 
O my people ! O my brothers ! let us choose the righteous side. 

"Ichabod"* is one of the most withering blasts that ever 
leaped from the indignant brain of an aroused poet. Its 
spirit is wholly unlike that which characterizes most of 
Whittier's verses, but it Is a creation of great power, in ite 
way one of the most terrible utterances to be found in our 
literature. And curiously enough it was aimed against a 
kinsman of the poet, a New England statesman who had 
once stood very high in the regard of Mr. Whittier, and for 
whose intellectual powers he ever entertained the greatest 
admiration. The circumstances which gave rise to this 
poem are interesting and may be briefly stated a* follows : 
On the 7th of March, 1850, Daniel Webster delivered a 
famous speech which struck dismay to the hearts of all 
friends of Abolition in the North. In it he argued that no 
further restrictions on the extension of slavery in the terri- 
tories of New Mexico and California were needed ; that col- 
onization of free negroes should be encouraged, and that 
the fugitive slave law must be obeyed. He further averred 
that the labors of the Abolitionists had served merely to 
fasten the institution of slavery more firmly than ever on the 
South. This address, strange as it may appear to persons 
who do not understand that conservatism is always ready to 
bulwark an outgrown wrong if it be enthroned in high 
places, was applauded by leading educators of Harvard and 
Andover Colleges. Indeed, an address of congratulation 
was presented to Webster, signed by eight hundred promi- 
nent citizens of the old Bay State, including Rufus Choate, 
William H. Prescott, Jared Sparks, and Prof. C. C. Felton of 
Harvard College. It was tins speech of Webster's falling 
with crushing force upon the Abolitionists that called forth 
these terrible lines from Whittier: 

So fallen ! so lost ! the light withdrawn 

Which once he wore ! 
The glory from his gray hairs gone 

For evermore T 

♦The meaning of this term is " Thy glory has departed." 

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Revile him not, — the Tempter hath 

A snare for all ; 
And pitying tears, not scorn and wrath 

Befit his fall! 

O, dumb be passion's stormy rage, 
When he who might " 
1 Have lighted up and led his age, 
Falls back in night. 

Scorn ! would the angels laugh, to mark 

A bright soul driven, 
Fiend-goaded, down the endless dark, 

From hope and heaven ! 

Let not the land once proud of him 

Insult him now, 
Nor brand with deeper sliame his dim, 

Dishonored brow. 

But let its humbled sous, instead, 

From sea to lake, 
A long lament, as for the dead, 

In sadness make. 

Of all we loved and honored, naught 

Save power remains, — 
A fallen angel's pride of thought, 

Still strong m chains. 

All else is gone, from those great eyes 

The soul has fled : 
When faith is lost, when honor dies, 

The man is dead ! 

Then pay the reverence of old days 

To his dead fame ; 
Walk backward, with averted gaze, 

And hide the shame ! 

In speaking of the origin of this poem Wliittier wrote : 

u My admiration of the splendid personality and intellectual power 
of the "great Senator was never stronger than when 1 laid down his 
speech and, in one of the saddest moments of my life, penned my pro- 
test. I saw, as I wrote, with painful clearness, its sure results, ~ the 
slave-power arrogant and defiant, strengthened and encouraged to carry 
out its scheme for the extension of its baleful system, or the dissolution 
of the Union, the guarantees of personal liberty in the free States broken 
down, and the whole country made the hunting-ground of slave-catchers. 
In the horror of such a vision, so soon fearfully fulfilled, if one spoke 
at all, he could only speak in tones of stern and sorrowful rebuke." 

" This poem," observes Mr. Kennedy, u has been compared 

to Browning's ' Lost Leader : ' " 

Just for a handful of silver he left us, 
Just for a riband to stick in his coat — 

* * * * 

He alone breaks from the van and the freemen, 
He alone sinks to the rear and the slaves. 

• • * * 

Deeds will be done — while he boasts his quiescence, 

Still bidding crouch whom the rest hade aspire; 
Blot out his name, then, record one lost soul more. 

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Of the poems composed in war time none are more stirring 
than u Ein Feste Burg," which opens with these memorable 
lines : 

We wait beneath the furnace-blast 

The pangs of transformation ; 
Not painlessly doth God recast 
And mould anew the nation. 
Hot burns the fire 
Where wrongs expire ; 
Nor spares the hand 
That from the land 
Uproots the ancient evil. 

This poem was set to music and sung with tremendous 
effect during the early days of the Civil War. After the 
battle of Bull Run, the famous Hutchinson family of sing- 
ers entered the lines of the Army of the Potomac, hoping 
to reinvigorate the drooping spirits of the Union soldiers 
with their patriotic songs. On singing the " Ein Feste 
Burg," however, General McClellan requested them to leave 
the lines. The singers appealed to President Lincoln, and 
this poem was read by Secretary Chase to the President and 
the Cabinet, after which the President said: "It is just the 
kind of a song I wish the soldiers to hear." The Cabi- 
net voted unanimously in favor of its being sung in the 
army, and the singers were readmitted to the national 

Just here it is interesting to note the martial spirit which 
pervades many of Whittier's lines, and his fondness for mili- 
tary imagery. It was Nathaniel Hawthorne who humorously 
alluded to him as u A fiery Quaker youth to whom the 
Muse had perversely assigned a battle trumpet." This fond- 
ness for the imageiy of war perplexed Whittier not a little, 
and more than once when referring to it he expressed the 
conviction that there was somewhere in his make-up quite a 
dash of the blood of "the old sea-kings of the ninth century." 
Of course anything military was as foreign to the Quaker 
theory of life and practice as was the shedding of blood 
abhorrent to Whittier. Nevertheless, during the early days 
of the war many young Quakers laid aside their drab for 
the soldier uniform. In northern New Jersey, for example, a 
Quaker regiment was raised of one thousand members, much 
to the grief and dismay of many old and staid pillars in the 
Society of Friends. At one of its quarterly meetings, the 
martial occupation of these stray sheep brought forth severe 
criticism from a number of members, whereupon one sym- 

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pathizer with those who had donned the blue arose and told 
a little story : 

" He said that his grandfather once had dealings with an obstreperous 
'man of the world,' who provoked him until his patience was worn out. 
All at once he threw ott* his coat and laid it on the ground, saying, 4 Lie 
there, Quaker, till I give this rascal his dues ! * and then proceeded to 
give him a good drubbing." 

The poet has given us a graphic pen picture of himself 
during the anti-slavery conflict in the following lines from 
" The Tent on the Beach : " 

And one there was, a dreamer Iwro, 

Who, with a mission to fulfil, 
Had left the Muses' haunts to turn 

The crank of an opinion-mill. 
Making his rustic reed of song 
A weapon in the war with wrong, 
Yoking his fancy to the breaking-plough 
That beam-deep turned the soil for truth to spring and grow. 

Too quiet seemed the man to ride 

The winged Hippogrift* Keform; 
Was his a voice from side to side 

To pierce the tumult of the storm? 
A silent, shy, peace-loving man, 
He seemed ho fiery partisan 
To hold his way against the public frown, 
The ban of Church and State, the fierce mob's hounding down. 

For while he wrought with strenuous will 

The work his hands had found to do, 
He heard the fitful music still 

Of winds that out of dreamland blew. 
The din about him could not drown 
What the strange voices whispered down ; 
Along his task-field weird processions swept, 
The visionary pomp of stately phantoms stepped. 

At length the long agony of suspense drew to a close. 
The fierce battle waged by the little Spartan band had given 
place to one of those profound awakenings which suggest the 
onsweeping of a prairie fire. The arrogance of the govern- 
ment and the courts probably did more than the agitation 
of the Abolitionists to precipitate the war ; but there can lie 
no doubt but that the shafts of Garrison, the eloquence of 
Phillips, the clarion voice of brave Parker Pillsbury, the 
fiction of Mrs. Stowe, the stirring songs of the Hutchinson 
family, the writings of Horace Greeley, and, last but not 
least, the poems of Whitticr and Lowell, were tremendous 
educational forces, and the tragic fate of John Brown gave 
great additional impetus to the cause of abolition. 

When Sumter was fired upon, the North was electrified, 

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and war, grim and terrible, ensued, during which the evil of 
slavery went down, and with peace came a wider freedom 
than we had before recognized. Then the heart of our 
poet swelled with reverent thanksgiving, while it melted with 
pity for the misery, the heartaches, and the lives lost in the 
awful strife. One day the news came that the amendment 
had passed abolishing slavery in the United States, and 
Whittier, seated in a meeting-house of the Friends at Ames- 
bury, heard the glad clanging of the bells in celebration 
of the event. The hour was one of the most impressive of 
his life. He was in the humble sanctuary of his people wor- 
shipping God ; the merry pealing of the bells brought the mes- 
sage of a triumph of justice such as he had scarcely dared to 
pray for ; and his breast became tremulous with emotion, his 
brain throbbed with exultant thoughts, a great song of tri- 
umph and thanksgiving rose in his soul, a song destined to 
live so long as our language endures. And that is how the 
following magnificent poem, known as u Laus Deo ! " came to 
be written. 

It is done. 

Clang of bell and roar of gun 
Send the tidings up and down. 

How the belf lies rock and reel ! 

How the great guns, peal on peal, 
Fling the joy from town to town ! 

Ring, O bells ! 

Every stroke exulting tells 
Of the burial hour of crime. 

Loud and long, that all may hear, 

Ring for every listening ear 
Of eternity and time. 

Let us kneel. 

God's own voice is in that peal, 
And this spot is holy ground. 

Lord, forgive us ! What are we, 

That our eyes this glory see, 
That our ears have heard the sound ! 

For the Lord 

On the whirlwind is abroad ; 
In the earthquake he has spoken ; 

He has smitten with his thunder 

The iron walls asunder, 
And the gates of brass are broken ! 

Loud and long 
Lift the old exulting song ; 
Sing with Miriam by the sea, 
He has cast the mighty down ; 
Horse and rider sink and drown ; 
u He hath triumphed gloriously." 

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122 • THE ARENA. 

Did we dare 

In our agony of prayer 
Ask for more than he has done ? 

When was ever his right hand 

Over any time or land 
Stretched as now beneath the sun? 

How they pale ! 

Ancient myth and song and tale, 
In this wonder of our days, 

When the cruel rod of war 

Blossoms white with righteous law, 
And the wrath of man is praise! 

Blotted out! 

All within and all about 
Shall a fresher life begin ; 

Freer breathe the universe 

As it rolls its heavy curse 
On the dead and buried sin ! 

It is done ! 

In the circuit of the sun 
Shall the sound thereof go forth. 

It shall bid the sad rejoice, 

It shall give the dumb a voice, 
It shall belt with joy the earth ! 

Ring and swing, 

Bells of joy ! On morning's wing 
Send the song of praise abroad. 

With a sound of broken chains 

Tell the nations that He reigns 
Who alone is Lord and God! 

The crude earthly remains of this conscientious prophet 
of freedom rest in mother earth, but he sleepeth not. God's 
children do not slumber ; and is it unreasonable to believe 
that his awakened soul is with all those on earth to-day and 
especially with the oppressed wealth creators of the West 
and the sunny southland, both white and black, who suffer 
through unjust social conditions ? The exile of Patmos 
when he beheld the bright vision fell on his knees in the 
attitude of worship, but the voice of the Spirit announced to 
him that he was of his fellow-workers the prophets and dis- 
ciples who had gone before. And to me it seems most rea- 
sonable that the spirit of Whittier should be to-day working 
with those who are bravely making a stand against oppres- 
sion no less worthy than that made by Washington, Jeffer- 
son, and Adams in an earlier day. Believing as I do that 
those who live up to their highest on earth are permitted to 
come kick to inspire, impress, and encourage those who are 
true to their sacred trust in the battle for freedom, fundamen- 

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tal justice, human brotherhood, and enduring progress, I 
see no reason to doubt but what New England's poet of 
freedom may be influencing noble men and women with 
whom he may come in touch throughout the length and 
breadth of the world to-day, to consecrated lives in the 
cause of true civilization. 

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It was once remarked by J. Adam Bede, at the time when 
he was United States Marshal for Minnesota, that "when 
the Creator had finished making the earth, he found he had 
left a fine assortment of rich iron mines. Not knowing what 
else to do with them, he dropped them in the woods up north 
of Duluth ; and now the fellows that found them there claim 
they can't dig that ore with a steam-shovel unless they have 
a tariff to help them." 

Whether or not the owners could dig ore without a tariff, 
true it is that those same mine owners and a gang of iron 
land speculators organized a mob and burned in effigy, in the 
streets of Duluth, the gallant Major Baldwin, Congressman 
from the Sixth District of Minnesota, because he ignored 
their threats, refused to do their bidding, and voted to put 
iron ore on the free list. 

Whatever the injustice of the tariff, — and it is great, — 
however much the tariff on iron and its products has robbed 
the people for the benefit of a few mine owners and manu- 
facturers, — and that robliery has been gigantic, inexcusable, 
and iniquitous, — these things are small and puny when com- 
pared with the stupendous system of plunder that has been 
established in northern Minnesota for the benefit of a few 
monopolists who own the mines and the railways that take 
the ore to Lake Superior. 

It is the purpose of this brief paper to show how the 
system works, and to suggest a remedy for the evil. 

Take your old geography and trace through northeastern 
Minnesota what is marked on the map as the Height of 
Land. This " Height of Land " is a low, generally flat 
watershed which divides the streams that empty into Lake 
Superior from those which flow northward into the Rainy River 
and at last reach the ocean through Ifudson's Bay. 

A continuous succession of swamp and low hills, heavily 
timbered and thickly dotted with small lakes, — such is this 
Height of Land in which are found the richest iron mines in 
the world and by far the easiest to work. 


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Remove a few feet of loose sand and gravel, in places not 
more than two or three, but usually from eight or ten to 
twenty or thirty, and there before you lies a solid bed of iron 
ore of the greatest richness, perhaps sixty, perhaps several 
hundred feet thick. One mine has been bored over three 
hundred and twenty feet and no bottom yet. 

I said ht a solid bed of iron ore." It is solid only in the 
sense of being continuous, and all iron from top to bottom ; 
but in most of the mines the ore is far from being solid in 
the usual sense of the word, for it is loose like a bed of sand 
or gravel and about as easily worked. As soon as the sur- 
face dirt has been stripped off, the ore can be veiy easily 
loaded into the cars with a steam-shovel. 

Some of these mines are still the property of t&e people of 
Minnesota, but many of them are in the hands of private 

The State charges a royalty of twenty-five cents a ton. 
This royalty is fixed by law and is the same for all mines, 
whether easy or hard to work, and for all ore, whether low 
or high grade. 

The private owners, of course, charge all the royalty they 
can get. Competition among operators has now fixed royal- 
ties at about fifty cents a ton, though some are paying as 
high as sixty-five, in mines that are specially rich or favor- 
ably located. 

We can now begin to see how the people are plundered 
and how the monopolists wax fat. 

Said the editor of The Missabe Mange to me, as we were 
discussing the situation : " The fee-owners and the railways 
have got the earth, and the rest of us are their slaves." That 
he told but the truth will be plain when we examine the 


The title to the land on which this mine is located is owned 
by John M. Williams of Chicago. He bought it some years 
ago for the pine timber and paid $1.25 per acre. Some one 
else found the iron; some one else digs it. All Williams 
does is to graciously permit other people to take ore out of 
the earth. For this he receives twenty-five cents a ton from 
the Rockefeller combination. Does Mr. Rockefeller dig ore ? 
Oh, bless you ! no. He can make money easier than that. 
He and his company allow the Biwabie Bessemer Company to 
dig ore on condition that they pay him fifty cents a ton, and 

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bind themselves with an ironclad contract to pay this royalty 
on a definite number of tons per annum, whether they dig 
any ore at all or not. 

The situation at Biwabie is substantially duplicated at 
Virginia, Mount Iron, and Eveleth. 

Two railways furnish outlets for most of the mines on the 
Missabe Range. The Duluth, Missabe Range and Northern 
reaches the lake at Duluth. The Duluth and Iron Range 
road, owned by the Minnesota Iron Company, docks its ore 
at Two Harbors. 

" Of course," I hear you say, " these two roads compete 
for the business of hauling ore to the lake." Of course they 
do no such thing. It is just as easy to combine as to com- 
pete, and far more profitable. The charge on either road is 
eighty cents per ton from any point on the range. 

The Biwabie Bessemer Company have sold ore in Cleve- 
land as low as $2.65 a ton. Where is the " foreign pauper 
ore " that can equal that price ? 

But let us see who get the $2.65, and what each does for 
his share. 

John M. Williams of Chicago gets twenty-five cents a ton 
net. For this he does absolutely nothing, except to perform 
the exceedingly laborious task of signing a lease to the 
Rockefeller Company, or rather, to their predecessors. He does 
not pay one cent of tax for road or school, town or village, 
State or nation. An interesting law on the statute books of 
Minnesota exempts all mineral lands from every form of 
State and local taxation, and the great American nation 
taxes people on their food, clothing, and other necessaries of 
life, so that our millionnaires may go free. 

John M., as you will notice, is an " enterprising citizen." 

The Rockefeller combination gets from the Biwabie Bessemer 
Company fifty cents a ton, but pays Williams twenty-five, 
leaving twenty-five cents net. For tins the Rockefeller Com- 
pany does just as much as Williams, and no more. 

The same company gets eighty cents a ton for hauling the 
ore to Duluth, a distance of seventy-five miles, all down grade. 
Five men in eight hours take one thousand tons of ore to 
Duluth, unload, and bring the train back. According to the 
company's own estimate, twenty-five cents a ton covers the 
entire cost, thus leaving a clear steal of fifty-five cents on 
every ton taken from the mines to the lake. 

Lake freights were about eighty-five cents a ton from 

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Duluth to Cleveland. As lake transportation is subject to 
free competition, there is probably no steal or monopoly profit 
in this item of cost. 

Deducting these items from #2.65, the price the ore was 
sold for in Cleveland, leaves just fifty cents a ton for the 
Biwabie Bessemer Company. They pay all the cost of strip- 
ping the mine ready for work ; liire all the labor to dig the 
ore and put it into the cars ; make up the train ready to at- 
tach the engine ; pay interest on the capital invested in steam- 
shovels and other necessary machinery ; insure against loss 
on the lake ; and pay the one cent a ton State tax. 

What a showing ! One dollar and sixty cents goes to labor 
and capital for all the work of placing the ore in Cleveland. 
One dollar and five cents a ton goes into the pockets of 
Williams and Rockefeller for permission to use the earth and 
for stealage on transportation. Do you wonder that starva- 
tion wages were paid, and that legitimate capital had little or 
no return ? Do you wonder that Rockefeller and Williams 
are rich and the miners live in squalid huts? 

The editor was right. The fee-holders and the railway 
companies do own the earth, in that region, at least, and the 
people are their slaves. 

Recently the price of ore has risen. Having a contract 
with the earth owners for some time to come, the Biwabie 
Bessemer Company 4iave raised wages to #1.50 or more per 
day, and will, perhaps, make some profit on their business. 
But wait till their contract with Rockefeller and his contract 
with Williams expire, and then see the royalty go up, if ore 
continues to bring a good price. Then Williams will take all 
the royalty the mine will pay. Rockefeller will have only his 
transportation steal, and labor and capital will be just where 
they are now. 

I have gone into details as to this one mine, because it 
illustrates the whole case most perfectly, and shows how 
completely the fee-owners and railway companies are masters 
of the situation. 

What really makes it far worse is the fact that the Rocke- 
feller combination and the Minnesota Iron Company now own 
many of the best mines, and also possess the only highways 
over which ore must be carried to market, and are therefore 
in a position to freeze out other mine-owners and operating 

That they make use of this advantage must be plain to all, 

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and is fully proved by the fact that the Minnesota Iron 
Company recently bought the Fayall mine, one of the richest 
on the range, for the paltry sum of $40,000. And I am in- 
formed that the owners of another very rich mine are about 
to sell to the Rockefeller Company for only $60,000. In a 
few years, at the present rate, these two companies will own 
all the available mines, and then a little longer and Rocke- 
feller will control it all. 

Is there no remedy for this? Must the richest iron mines 
in the world fall into the grasp of this conscienceless cor- 
ruptionist who already possesses the world's oil lands ? 

That will depend upon the people, — whether or not they 
study the question intelligently and solve it. 


A very simple remedy offers itself, — or rather two reme- 
dies, one for each part of the disease. 

The fee-owner % and the railways each has a monopoly. 

As. many people look upon railway monopoly as the great- 
est and most threatening evil of our times, let us consider 
that matter first. 

Railway monopoly, so far as it relates to this particular 
case, can be perfectly and forever destroyed by building a 
double track road from Lake Superior to the mines, paid for 
by proportionate assessments against the'beneficiaries, owned 
and controlled by the whole people, like any other public 
highway, over which all carriers may transport ore free of 
charge or toll, just as the boat-owners on the lakes have a 
free highway from Duluth to Cleveland. Then any mining 
company or private miner could take their own ore to the 
lake if they thought charges were too high. The roadway 
l>eing free and open to all alike, there would be no more 
chance for monopoly than there is now on lake or river. 
Charges to Lake Superior would immediately fall to twenty- 
five cents or less per ton, and would continue to grow less 
with every improvement in the carrying trade. 

Railway monopoly is due wholly to the fact that we per- 
mit one corporation to own the highway, and exclude all 
competitors from the carrying trade thereon. Make the road- 
beds free public highways, and the carrying trade will need 
no regulation. 

But suppose free public highways are provided so that 
the cost of transporting ore from the mines to the smelting 

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furnaces is reduced to the lowest price that free competition 
can offer, who then will get the benefit? No mine can be 
operated at all without permission from the fee-owner. What 
effect will cheaper railway charges have upon John M. 
Williams, who owns the Biwabie mine, or on any other fee- 
owner, for that matter ? 

Mr. Williams of Chicago would reason about in this 
fasliion : " It now costs the mining company about fifty-five 
cents less than formerly to take their ore to market, there- 
fore they can.afford to pay me that much more for permission 
to use the mine. They must use the mine or go out of busi- 
ness. I won't be very hard on them. When the present 
contract expires I will fix the royalty at $1 per ton for a 
while. Probably I can get more after further improvements 
in mining are made or greater reductions are possible in 
freight rates. I will deal directly with the mining company 
and thus save what Rockefeller now gets." 

So Williams takes his dollar or more per ton, and the min- 
ing company and their workmen — capital and labor — are 
just as well off as before, — no better ; while Williams, repre- 
senting landlordism, pockets all the gains. 

By all means let us have a free public road into the mines, 
but don't let us fool ourselves with the notion that from this 
reform alone labor and industry will reap any lasting benefit. 

The only effect would be to simplify the situation. In- 
stead of " the railways and the fee-owners," our editor would 
then declare, " The fee-owners possess the earth, and the rest 
of us are their slaves." . 

What shall be done with the fee-owners ? 

Briefly this : Tax them out. The millions they absorb in 
royalties are none of their creation. The present system of 
absolute exemption of fee-owners from all forms of taxation is 
a strong inducement to exact the last cent of royalty before 
permitting the land to be used at all. These royalty values 
that the fee-owners now absorb are created by the people, 
not by the fee-owners. The people therefore have a right 
to them, and should so adjust their system of taxation as to 
put them into the public treasury where they belong. Fee- 
owners would then be as anxious to get their mines opened 
and developed as they are now to exact the utmost royalty 
or hold idle. 

What of the iron lands still owned by the State ? The 
present law, arbitrarily fixing twenty-five cents a ton as 

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the royalty on all mines, good or bad, should be so changed 
that at the expiration of present contracts each mine should 
be leased on its merits to the highest bidder, thus turning 
into the State treasury the full value of the privilege, be 
it much or little. The present arbitrary twenty-five-cent 
royalty results in making to the first lease-holders a free 
donation of more than half of the people's property in these 

The problem is simple and requires only a little common 
sense in its treatment. 

First. Tax out the speculators and mine-grabbers, and re- 
store to the people the heritage that a bountiful nature has 
put here for them. Whether the fee is still in the State or in 
a private holder, the full annual value of the privilege belongs 
to the whole i>eople of Mumesota -and must be returned to 
the State treasury. 

Second. Make the necessary highways to the lake, and open 
them to all carriers without toll or chaige. 

Monopolized highways and the earth for the grabbers, — 
this policy lias made an earthly hell for the workers, while 
piling up untold millions for the monopolists. 

44 Free highways and the land for the people " must be 
our motto. Then nature's bounties shall be for all, and 
northern Minnesota shall pour out her wealth and bless all 

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Now that the philosophy and practice of the mental cure 
have won an assured place among the progressive factors of 
our time, both as an essential means of alleviating human 
suffering and as a health-giving system of thought, it may be 
well briefly to consider the new movement in ite larger sense 
as an outgrowth of the age and in the light of its actual 
service to the world. 

It is to-day almost a truism to affirm that any new doc- 
trine which wins the permanent interest of mankind supple- 
ments and modifies, but never wholly displaces, what experi- 
ence has already proved true. Ite advocates may make 
extravagant claims for it, and it may for a time seem wholly 
revolutionary or wholly new. But gradually, as it comes 
in contact with well-established doctrines, it is fitted in with 
what we already know, and usually it is found to be, at least 
in germ, as old as human thought. 

And so with this new philosophy of daily conduct and 
healing, with ite original theories of disease and ite stimulat- 
ing teaching in regard to the supremacy and power of mind. 
There are those who deem the new theory all-sufficient and 
express their willingness to dispense not only with all 
books but with all doctrines, save this one radical teaching. 
But the new movement was not thus exclusive and self-suffi- 
cient when it began, nor can it hope to interest those who 
have hitherto been repelled by it, or to join hands with 
natural science until it assumes a more modest attitude and 
is relieved through controversy of many of ite crudities. 

It was the aim of ite originator to establish a science of 
health and happiness which, based on a just psychology and 
on a rational interpretation of human life, should enable men 
and women in all the walks of life to lead sounder and bet- 
ter lives. More than half a century ago he began in that 
quiet way in which all great movements originate to inves- 
tigate the human mind, the effect upon it of beliefs and sug- 


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gestions, and more especially all that contributed mentally 
both to the cause and cure of disease. With rare patience 
and persistence, working entirely alone and in a new field, 
he not only made certain important discoveries in regard to 
our mental nature, but developed the method of cure which 
enabled him to heal diseases of all kinds and which, adopted 
by thousands of workers since his time, has brought untold 
relief to suffering humanity. 

At its very outset then, and long before it emerged into 
the larger world of scientific discussion, the mental cure was 
a part of a widespread movement which had for its object a 
better understanding both of the origin and the nature of 
man. It sought to emancipate man from his bondage to 
opinion and superstition, and to place all knowledge on a 
firm scientific basis. Its first maxim was, Prove all things ; 
and if it has departed from ite- practical ideal and become a 
dogmatic worship of a few leaders of strong peisonality, its 
deviation from the path of science is only for a time. Many 
of its most earnest workers already take tliis laiger view of 
it — as a phase of modern thought — and are seeking to 
join forces with natural science. The time is not far distam, 
when scientific men will deem it fully worth their while 
tQ investigate the phenomena of mental cure, and even the 
church will overcome its antagonistic spirit and find it essen- 
tial to its continued hold upon people to add this most vital 
application of all that seems spiritually true. In fact some 
of our most advanced thinkers have already expressed the 
belief that u there is a truth there." But they have thus far 
been deterred from investigation by the unattractive garb in 
which the new thought has been clothed, unaware that there 
is a phase of the subject which is infinitely more practical, 
a line of thought which, making no claims for itself and re- 
volving around no personality, is slowly working its way to 
the front as an essential factor in the progress of science. 

This more practical phase of the mental cure is positive in 
its teaching rather than negative. It does not deny the 
existence of matter, of the body, nor of certain conditions 
which in ill-health seem as real as life itself. It frankly ad- 
mits all that really exists ; but having made this admission, 
it reserves the right to explain the nature of reality. Its 
first step is to distinguish between the two natures or selves 
of man, the one that is truly spiritual and partakes of the 
great Unchangeable and the one that is composed of chang- 

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ing opinions and beliefs. The latter self includes the uncon- 
scious or sub-conscious mind, and is described as a sensitive 
impression plate or as a sort of spiritual matter readily 
moulded by fears, beliefs, and all that constitutes the passing 
consciousness of man, in which ideas are sown like seed in 
the ground where they germinate, come forth, and find ex- 
pression in the body. Any belief or state of feeling which 
wins the attention or becomes all-absorbing therefore plays 
its part in health and disease; for "whatever we believe, 
that we create." The direction of mind is fundamental and 
carries with it the activities of the whole being. Man is 
always devoted to sometliing, momentarily or permanently, 
and it is the idea which shapes his conduct, even though the 
thought influence be so subtle that he seems to be leading a 
merely physical existence. He approaches every experience 
with some opinion, some feeling of expectancy, and however 
potent the physical forces wielded by thought, and whatever 
the result produced upon him, the attitude of mind is at 
once the guiding principle and the cause of all that he en- 
joys or suffers. Man's happiness and misery therefore de- 
pend primarily upon himself, on the way he takes life, and 
on the degree of his intelligence. 

Disease is not a mere belief, nor is it a purely physical 
condition any more than the facts of every-day experience. 
It is very often a state of the entire individual^ and in order 
to effect its permanent cure the entire mental attitude must 
be changed so that every obstacle to nature's restorative 
power shall be removed. If the person is impetuous, excit- 
able, nervous, opinionated, hard to influence, easily roused, or 
whatever the disposition may be, tliis most prominent char- 
acteristic is sure to modify both the disease and its cure. 
Oftentimes this is the disease ; the disposition is at fault, the 
person is always creating trouble and is bound to continue in 
dis-ease until the person undertakes the task of overcom- 
ing self with a will. The soul is restricted, undeveloped, 
or imprisoned in false l>eliefs about disease and religion. 
Something must touch the soul, explain the effect upon it of 
narrowing beliefs and fears, and aid it to come into a freer 
and healthier atmosphere. This the mental practitioner 
can do, and oftentimes the treatment consists largely of 
audible explanations, showing how all these subtle mental 
influences, inherited beliefs, fears, and temperamental effects 
have injured the health. Such treatment strikes directly at 

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the root of the difficulty, and may of course be adapted to 
the particular case. It has been the means of transforming 
a vast number of lives, of reacliing cases where all other 
methods have failed, and of performing cures both of chronic 
and of organic diseases which were almost miraculous. It 
makes people think and investigate who never thought seri- 
ously before. It shows that there is a natural law of cure in 
every case which one may take advantage of by maintaining 
a firm, hopeful, happy attitude of mind in the right direc- 
tion, away from physical sensation, belief in disease as an 
entity, fears, doubts, and all that tends to keep one in ill- 
health. It teaches one to open out, to aspire, to turn away 
from all that is transiently belittling and painful to that 
higher Self whose abode is eternity, from whence one may 
draw new life and power. 

For, deeper than the mere passing beliefs or states of 
thought, which bring happiness or misery according to their 
nature, is the real man or the spiritual senses which, in 
reality independent of matter and a part of that great Spirit 
to which all men belong, are capable of overcoming such 
states of mind with their physical effects as may prove harm- 
ful, and of giving wiser direction to the natural activities. 
It is therefore of the greatest importance tliat individual man 
should understand himself, not only in his relations to 
society and in the light of the subtle mental influences by 
which every one is surrounded, but in the light of his pro- 
foundest relations to the source of all goodness, wisdom, and 

As thus understood the mental cure in its fullest sense 
and at its best becomes a life, a religion, an education of 
the whole individual, and it thus joins hands with all that 
is most ennobling and progressive in human thought. It 
strikes deeper into the very heart of things than former 
theories, and brings to light not only the hidden effects of 
mind on mind, but unsuspected applications of truths which 
have long been cherished but never realized in actual life. 
It is not simply a method of cure alone, nor does it claim, as 
a method of cure, to reach all cases at once and do away 
with the really intelligent doctor and the skilful surgeon. 
But it does claim to modify all cases, even the mast severe, 
and in the hands of practitioners of all schools it is sure to 
meet a crying need among the sick and suffering. 

In a restricted sense it is a natural development, called 

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out to meet the needs of the many finely organized people of 
our day with whom material remedies are of no avail. It is 
one of those wise provisions in the economy of nature which 
minister to man's needs when a remedy becomes absolutely 
essential to his preservation. It is a step in advance of the 
older methods of cure, and is gradually preparing the way 
for a time when man shall be able to do without medicine 
and be his own physician. As a product of American 
| thought, and nurtured in the land of liberty and progress, it 
is playing its part in the emancipation of man and the de- 
velopment of a sound individualism. It teaches man to look 
within for help and strength, to cultivate self-reliance and 
poise, instead of hurrying to a doctor or to some friend with 
the rehearsal of every little ailment as though he were inca- 
pable of mastering his own fears, to look to his own nature 
and his own conduct as -the prime cause of all that he suf- 
fers, and to overcome all suffering by developing individu- 
ality and mental freedom. In a word, it deals with the 
cause and not the effect, and seeks to remove disease by 
teaching man how it is made through his own ignorance and 
misinterpretation of sensation. 

As an aid to modern medical science, then, the mental 
cure may be of inestimable service, and no line of investiga- 
tion would better repay the progressive doctor to-day than a 
scientific inquiry into the facts and phenomena of mental 
healing. The regular physician would not only learn much 
about the real nature of disease, but would get new light in 
regard to its cure ; for the new movement, proceeding on a 
different basis and relying on an intuitive rather than a phys- 
ical diagnosis of disease, has already disproved many of the 
prevailing theories of disease and shown that there is a 
power which is capable of assisting nature in a far more 
direct way than by the use of medicine. It is a suggestive 
fact also that a large proportion of the cases which come 
under the care of the mental practitioner are those wliich 
have been given up by the best physicians of the regular 
school. The 'practice of hypnotism has already demonstrated 
that the human mind is wonderfully susceptible to sugges- 
tion, and if the direction of mind, permanent or transient, is 
really fundamental, if the effect produced on us by medi- 
cine, by any method of cure we may employ, largely depends 
on the opinion we put into it, then medical science must strike 
at the root of the matter, it must deal more directly with the 

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mind instead of giving remedies and performing operations in 
order to remove physical effects. When doctors shall display 
genuine understanding of the human mind in its relation to 
health and disease, instead of giving one opinion one day and 
another the next, based on a physical diagnosis, then the 
more intelligent portion of the community will have far 
more confidence in them than they display to-day. 

As an aid to psychology and to psycliic science the new 
movement could also be of great service, for it throws 
much light on the nature of mind in ite relation to the body. 
Most practitioners of the new method have had a long series 
of experiences pointing to the belief that man has an identity 
independent of matter through which he can communicate 
mentally, perceive objects at a distance, take the feelings and 
thoughts of others, and give shape to his physical life, — an 
identity which fits him to continue his existence after death 
as a living soul. 

Educationally, the new thought might be of invaluable, ser- 
vice ; and when children are taught this healthier theory of 
disease there will surely be much less sickness in the world. 
It is a philosophy of encouragement, and urges the young to 
develop the best that is in them, and to find repose through 
wise self-development, since every suppressed ambition, every 
element of one's nature that is not understood, creates fric- 
tion and has its ultimate effect on the health, while true 
education is always health-giving. 

Philosophically, the new thought lends its support to an 
idealistic or spiritual as opposed to a material view of the 
universe ; it emphasizes the conscious aspect of life as the 
most real and powerful, and furnishes a strong argument in 
favor of the intimate and universal presence of an infinite 
Spirit, to the nearness of which the advocates of this new 
method attribute the healing power wliich they know to be 
something superior to their purely personal selves. 

But it is as a life, a practical health-giving mode of con- 
duct which one may carry into eveiy detail of daily experi- 
ence, — into business, pleasure, society, — that the new doctrine 
is seen at its best. In this sense it is a preventive rather 
than a cure of disease. It turns the thought habitually into 
wiser and happier channels, away from the absurd notion 
that every one must have certain diseases, and shows one how 
to become poised, well adjusted to life, and how to take life 
easier and at its best. It is philosophy and religion made 

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one with daily life, and as such it is a decided advance over 
all previous theories which tend to separate theory and prac- 
tice. It is throughout a positive, hopeful, stimulating doc- 
trine, sympathetic rather than exclusive and critical, never 
directly opposing the doctrines which it supersedes, yet 
quietly playing its part in the evolution of the race and pre- 
paring the way for the grander and better man of the twen- 
tieth century. 

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A Novel of Tennessee Life. 



Joe had not stopped in the valley as Mrs. Tucker feared, 
to waylay Dr. Boring. The physician had judged him more 
correctly. Joe was not a coward ; he would shoot him with 
half an excuse for doing so ; he would go further and create 
the opportunity; but he would not, except it be upon im- 
pulse, shoot from ambush. 

Joe rode past the cabin in the valley without turning his 
head; he was riding the black, spirited colt he had lately 
purchased; alas ! for Alicia when Alicia should be his wife. 
The fact did not augment Ids good humor. He rode briskly 
by, sitting his mount like an Indian, down to Winchester, 
where he spent the day loafing and nursing his wrath among 
the usual Saturday visitors to town. Bowen was not a 
drinker ; when he drank it was more as a frolic than a brunt 
to l>ad feeling or a taste for alcohol. 

He was not in a humor for fun, so he sat by, sullen and un- 
happy, listening to the gossip, political and social, until the 
dusky red of twilight sent the gossipers on their homeward 
way. Still he lingered, loath to return to his desolate hearth, 
shorn as it was of the bright dreams that had been his fire- 
side friends of late. 

It was past nine when he rode down the valley. Far be- 
fore him he saw the round, red eye which he knew tot be the 
doctor's window, through winch the mingled glow of lamp 
and firelight streamed out upon the night and sent its good, 
glad glow far down the valley, a guide to the benighted, a 
promise to the wanderer pushing homeward through the 

Something in its brightness appealed to Joe : there came to 
liim a feeling that the world was not after all so desolately 
cheerless as he had fancied. He followed the tiny ray with- 
out realizing it for a while ; thinking, without realizing it also, 


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how good the warmth must be witliin that little valley 
home ; how dark outside, and how cold. His horse's hoofs 
struck the frozen earth with a harshness that seemed to ring 
and vibrate. The contrast suddenly opened about and faced 
him, — their two lives, the difference of surroundings, the 
warmth within where he was, the blackness of night which 
accompanied him. Yet he did not care for these things, he 
was not so small as that. But that tliis man, with all the 
favor of fortune, with ease, comfort, everything, — that he 
should seek to rob him, had robbed him of the one single 
flower that had ever lifted its face to gladden the humble 
path where fate had set him down, — this was the sting, this 
was the injustice which rankled and burned and turned his 
natural goodness to hate. 

" He ain't fittin' ter live," he muttered between his strong, 
set teeth. " He ain't fittin' ter be let live. If I ware ter aim 
a bullet square at that red pane o' winder it would find his 
gray head straight as straight. An' it air no more than he 
deserves, a bullet ain't. But I ain't that low, I reckin, to 
shoot a man in the back. Naw, Lord ! if I kill a bird I let it 
git the start. I'll be as gen'rous ter a man as I am ter a 
pa'tridge, though he ain't as deservin'." 

He still carried his gun slung across the saddle bow, and 
the red pane drew nearer, seemed to grow, to expand, until 
eighteen small square panes took shape, every pane aglow, 
and beyond them the doctor's large gray head, resting upon 
his hand, his elbow upon the table near which he sat reading. 

The devil whispered in Joe's ear a dastardly thing, a tiling 
too cowardly mean for the eye of God's good daylight. Only 
under cover of night could such a deed find birth. But it 
came so sharp and strong, was so irresistibly fascinating, so 
fiendishly fraught with the sweetness of revenge complete, 
that he had no reason left with which to meet the terrible 

Quick as a flash he lifted his rifle to his shoulder and 
took aim; his keen eye flashed along the muzzle for a 
single instant ; his finger pressed the trigger, which refused 
to act ; an instant yet, and the gray head was lifted ; the 
calmly gentle face turned as if to catch a sound for which 
the ear had waited, then the figure vanished. 

The next moment the door opened, and from it came a 
stream of crimson light that lay upon the darkness like a path 
of fire. In the very centre of it stood the doctor, erect and 

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fearless. What a target lie made against the light as he 
stood with his back to the door and his arms outspread, rest- 
ing a hand on either casing ! Joe uttered an oath, and dropped 
his rifle with a sudden snap which brought the hammer of 
the old-fashioned weapon down upon his finger clumsily 
feeling for the cock. The noise of his horse's hoofs sounded 
in his ears like drums beating furiously. Suddenly the 
doctor put his hands to his mouth and hailed: 

" Oh, Joe ! Bowen ! " The only evidence that Joe heard 
was the sudden silence as the rider brought his horse to a 
standstill. The physician accepted the silence for attention. 
" Come by," said he. " Stop : I want to see you." 

It was an instance of the incomprehensible power of will, 
the stronger over the weaker. The very attitude of the 
man standing there defying danger, the mere tone of voice, 
all had about it that which compelled obedience. 

Joe hesitated an instant only, and wheeled his horse into 
the footpath leading to the doctor's gate. 

The physician stood in the doorway while his visitor 
twisted his bridle into the iron ring dangling from the hitch- 
ing-post which few callers ever saw, the limbs of the trees 
being more familiar to the service. He came up the walk, 
gun in hand, his long, gaunt shadow growing longer and 
more gaunt with eveiy step toward the light. 

•" Come in ; walk right in there to the fire ; you must be 
half frozen. Nobody there but Zip ; Zip and I are making 
ourselves comfortable after our own ideas. Do likewise, do 
likewise. I will join you in just a minute." 

Scarcely knowing what he did, and inwardly cursing him- 
self for "a dad blamed fool," Bowen obeyed. The room 
was tempting ; the doctor himself was tempting ; even the 
terrier curled up on the hair sofa looked up with an air 
which said, " Well now, we are comfortable." There was a 
homeshipness about it all that invited confidence. 

In a moment the doctor returned. The first object to 
arrest his eye was the old flintlock rifle leaning against the 
wall ; the next moment he saw the hand resting upon Joe's 
knee, with the blood slowly oozing from a wound in the 
right forefinger. 

" Why, man," said the physician, "you have hurt yourself . 
Wheel about to the light and let us have a look at it. Sure 
it isn't another case of hornet sting ? " 

The guilty crimson swept the boyish face turned for a 

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moment to the lamplight. He had forgotten all about the 
wounded hand, so much sharper had been the hurt in the 

" I reckin it ain't much," he said with sullei\ indifference 
and making an effort to conceal his hand under the palm of 
the other. 

" Oh, come now," said the doctor, " this will not do. Put 
it out here ; that is what I'm here for. You wouldn't cheat 
an old man out of his trade, would you? Give me your 
hand, boy." 

He had been arranging a few simple implements while he 
talked — a case of steels, a sheet of plaster, a roll of soft, 
starchless linen lay on the table. 

Joe eyed him sullenly. Suddenly he rose ; his tall, 
straight figure towered above the other like the figure of a 
young Goliath. His eyes flashed, and from the uplifted 
wounded finger drops of bright red blood trickled the length 
of his hand, disappearing under Ids sleeve. 

" Damn you," he hissed. " Say out what you've got to 
say ; I ain't here to fool an' palaver with you-uns. I see you 
at that thar table when I rid up, an' I ware tempted to put a 
bullet into you. I had my gun aimed, cocked, when you 
moved off out of range. An' the damn thing snapped, 
ketchin' of my finger. That's how come the wound you're 
beggin' leave ter patch up. An' it ware me killed your 
horse, the fine colt. I done it to make sure you'd never 
saddle Lissy Reams on to hit, like you done on t'other one. 
An' it ware me — oh, damn it all ! Git up from thar an' 
kick me out. Or else come outside an' fight it out like men 
fight. An' if you whip me you may take the girl an' go to 
the devil, an' I'll quit the country. But don't, in God 
A'mighty's name, set thar saaf t-sawderin' o' me. 1 can't take 
it, an' I won't." 

The doctor slowly rose; he was trembling. Afraid? For 
a moment Joe thought so. Only for a moment, however ; 
until he saw the face of the man. There was no agitation 
in the calm eyes, although the hand which he rested upon 
the table to steady himself shook. 

" The man who would fight with me," said he, " must con- 
tent himself with a very one-sided battle. And the coward 
lying for my life like a thief outside my window, under cover 
of night and of darkness, will not find lack of opportunity for 
taking it. The day has never dawned that found me afraid 

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to die. To the honest man always, death is only a part of 
God's plan, and let it come when and as it will can neither 
alter nor affect that plan. 

" To me life has never brought an hour that found me un- 
willing to lay it down ; never a gift so fair that I have sighed 
for its renunciation. Do you suppose that I am afraid of 
you ? of any man? That I would have moved my head the 
fraction of an inch in order to dodge your coward-bullet? 
Do the old, you think, find life so full, its happiness so vast, 
that they hug it like a miser his gold ? Sometimes perhaps, 
but it is where ties are many and love has outlived years. 
Not so with me ; I am an old man as compared with you : 
the fifty years that have slipped the measure in my. glass were 
not so many grains of gold to dazzle and amuse, but so much 
of good life and strength stripped from the old shell called 
manhood. Sit down there. I want to tell you a story: 
having told it, you know where your gun is ; and the window 
will not l>e closed. Sit down, man ; don't be a fool, if you can 
help ar 

He forced him to the chair again, and again began to ad- 
just his surgical instruments. 

" (live me your hand ; now while I patch this hole up all I 
ask of you Ls to listen. I have always refused to believe you 
a coward. It remains to be seen whether or not you are the 
fool your recent conduct would argue." 

Accustomed to the sick, he had long ago learned to exact 
obedience of his patients. This man was as truly his patient 
as if he were suffering some acute disease of the body. 
And as such he treated him. The dark face lost something 
of its angry defiance, while the restless eyes furtively followed 
the deft fingers patting a bit of plaster upon the ugly pinch 
the rifle had made in the long forefinger. There was an illu- 
sive sweetness in the voice that pronounced him ** a fooL," 
a something that soothed even while it condemned. Before 
the doctor had proceeded well into his story Joe began to 
suspect that he was right, that he was * % a fool." 

**I find," said the doctor, **that in order to get your 
thoughts at rest I must tell you a little story that concerns 
chiefly myself. 1 had hoped that it was buried forever, or 
until the last resurrection of all pain. 1 am an old man at 
fifty, older than you will lie at seventy. At twenty I left 
college, at twenty-two was a practising physician. That I 
made success of my profession no one ever denied. Life held 

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fair promises for me. I was not a Christian, as the world 
accepts the term. I denied many things, doubted more that 
orthodoxy accepted. Mine is an open nature, and I saw no 
reason for concealment; so that everybody who knew me 
knew my creed, if I had one. That I have done some good 
the poor will bear me witness at the last. If I have harmed 
any man I do not know it. I made myself a place and prac- 
tice. At last there came into my life a being who changed 
its current ; awoke the heart within me ; played upon its 
every string ; sounded every depth, knew every shallow of 
my nature. It was at the bedside of her dying father that 
we first met ; we became lovers, plighted our troth, were soon 
to have been married. She was poor ; I had plenty. That 
she was influenced by my wealth was a thought too insulting 
to liave lodging in the same heart which held her. If I found 
her lacking in demonstration of affection 1 attributed it to 
maiden modesty and was content. She was a Chiistian, after 
the favored order. There was in her family a cousin, a reck- 
less young fellow who hung about her a good deal, but of 
whom I had as little jealousy as I have, or might have, of my 
terrier asleep there on my couch. 

"My wedding day was fixed, was near; but two days 
gaped between my happiness and me. My best man was an 
old college chum, whom I had lifted out of debt, saved from 
disgrace once, and given many a turn along the way. The 
day before that fixed for my marriage I met him, but when I 
would have greeted him he turned his face away. Was he 
angry, drunk? I crossed the street and faced him; he was 
laughing. He looked so guilty, Joe, so vulgarly guilty, that 
with my left I grasped my right hand in order not to strike 
him. It was only for an instant, however; in a twinkling he 
was himself again. But for the life of me I couldn't rest. 
I felt that I had done my friend injustice. I sought him oui 
again l>efore the day was done. 

fcfc4 Jack,' said I, 'go down and get my gloves for me. 
You've got good taste about such tilings.' 

44 4 Oh, let the gloves be, Doc,' was his reply ; 4 there's time 
enough. I'll see to them, old boy — in time. 9 

44 That night I called on Alice. I never saw her half so 
radiant, so superbly lovely. I was all happiness ; one thing 
only came between my joy and me. She refused my good- 
night kiss. I left her early ; she wanted her taauty sleep, 
she said. And since it was her hist day of girlhood I re- 

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signed her to herself, knowing it was the last time. When 
I reached my room I read a chapter from a little velvet Bible, 
her gift,, which to please her I had promised to read daily. 

44 The following morning I went early to my office ; the few 
acquaintances I met upon the street dodged me, unmistak- 
ably dodged me. 

44 As I was passing the house of a man who had been my 
father's friend and as stanclily mine, I saw him open the 
door and come down the walk to the gate. I said good 
morning from across the street, and would have passed on, 
but that he called to me. 

44 4 Come in,' said he. 4 1 want to see you : have been 
watching at the window for you.' 

u I crossed over and went in. I remember that the sun 
shone, and that there were scarlet gladioli blooming in the 
window although it was bitter cold. 

44 He led me in, motioned to a chair, himself took one, and 
then I saw his face. Something dreadful had happened. I 
waited for him to go on. 

44 4 Bart,' said he, 4 1 had rather cut my tongue out than to 
tell you — ' 

44 * Is something wrong? ' said I. 4 Tell me ; let me help you 
if I can.' 

"He motioned me to silence. 4 The trouble,' said he, 4 is not 
mine, but yours.' 

44 -Mine?' 

444 Brace yourself to hear it,' said he. 4 It isn't a sweet 
duty to dash a man's happiness to death, to crush both pride 
and joy at a blow.' 

4fc He was sj)arring, as he thought, mercifully. But I cut 
him off. fc Tell me,' said I, 4 I'm not a child, what is it that 
has happened?' 

k * It was Alice ; she had run away the night before, eloped, 
and been married to her cousin. 

"Bowen, it struck me like an iron hammer. My head 
dropped on my breast like lead: my heart that had held 
warm blood turned to ice while I listened to the story of her 
falseness, my shame and my lietrayal by my friend; for Jack 
was one of the attendants and witnesses; had helped her 
to elude me ; gone with her upon her midnight visit to a little 
country clergyman who had married the runaways. I heard 
it all, the shameful, cruel story, and then I roused myself to 
meet my fate, scarcely harder to encounter than the smiles 

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or the unspoken sympathy, as it chanced, from those who 
saw the humor or the pathos of the situation. There was 
one who saw the tragedy, — my mother, and it killed her. 

" I heard the story through and then I lifted my head. 

"'It's pretty hard,' I said, k but I tliink that I can bear it.' 

44 He grasped my hand, pressed it and burst into tears. 

" I went to my room with head erect ; I greeted my 
friends along the way. They looked at me as if they thought 
me mad. • 

44 Opening my door, the first thing that met my eye was the 
little velvet Bible open where I had read the night before. 
I took it in my hand, glanced down at the open page where 
she had traced a text — ^And the truth shall make you free ' 
— and tossed it in the fire. I have never opened one since 
then, not from that day to thfe. I got in my buggy, visited 
my patients all day, at night went home, stealing in softly so 
that my mother need not be disturbed. But she was waiting, 
had waited for me all day. She saw my face and read my 
heart. The smile and the quiet, matter-of fact manner that 
had bewildered my friends were not needed here. She put 
her arms around my neck and fainted. She alone knew how 
one beloved woman's perfidy had made shipwreck of a strong 
man's tottering faith. Trouble comes in battalions : I buried 
her in less than a year. I lived on there, though friends 
urged me, having my own comfort at heart, to go elsewhere ; 
every feeling in my nature rebelled against cowardly flight. 
I remained until I proved myself equal to my destiny. 

44 It is almost thirty years since I passed down the steps of 
my friend's house that crisp cold morning and went out to 
face ridicule and the pity that was scarcely less difficult to 
bear. I remember that the sun shone, and that the scarlet 
gladioli were frozen still against the window pane. They 
looked like tiny spots of clotted blood against the frosted 
glass. I thought of them when I saw your wounded hand 

(To be continued.^ 

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Yearned the world's heart to her, Bride of the Ages, 
Dream of the poets and theme of the sages. 
Won by her loveliness, awed bv her purity, 
Worshipped men proudly in faith and in surety. 

Time! dare he touch her with insolent moiling? 
Liberty's chosen ! not his for despoiling. 
Thronged the old heroes to Valhalla's portals 
To gaze from afar on the wonder of mortals. 

Bright as the sun in his opulent splendor, 
Fair as the moon in her radiance tender, 
Tyranny trembled before her appealing, 
As if an army with banners were nearing. 

Roil the swift years past a ceutury's counting; 
Still to its zenith her plauet is mounting. 
Blare of the trumpets and beat of the drums 
Herald the car of her triumph that comes. 

Is it a juggernaut? Lo, as it rolls, 
Hear ye the moaning in torment of souls? 
See ye white faces flash out at the wheel? 
What shall the day of her judging reveal? 

Gaze from Valhalla, O heroes! behold 
Liberty's chosen dishonored for gold ! 
Rich though her robing and splendid her state, 
Tis but the trappings of bondage ye hate. 

Spoil of the crafty and tool of the knave, 
What from such oaseuess her glory may save? 
Was it for this that your swords were unsheathed? 
Was it for this that your statues were wreathed? 

O that your spirits might sweep as of old, 
Kindling hearts coward and sordid and cold ! 
Then from the thraldom of sloth and of dread 
Manhood should leap to avenge her instead. 

Greed that despoiled her, and falsehood that sold, 
Power that l>ound her with pythoness fold, 
Hurled to fate's oubliette soundless and black, 
Leave of the bale of their presence no track. 

Then, O beloved and beautiful land ! 
Oi>ens the day of her destiny grand. 

Bride of the Ages ! Again on her brow 
Gleams the pure crown of her virginal vow; 
And the world's heart, with a mighty rebound, 
Throbs to her own in a passion profound. 


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[Synopsis of preceding chapters. *] 

The first chapter of this story might cause the casual reader to 
imagine it to be one of those fanciful sketches that imagination creates, 
but if he continues he finds it to be a story of living power and purpose. 

We see within the Temple, the home of the Religionist, evidences of his 
earnest convictions, and read in the lives of himself and daughter what 
he meant when he said, " Men may profess what faith they please, but 
they have no more religion than that which always shows itself in every 
one of the minutest actions of their lives." 

Then we begin to read him anew. His school of oratory is not an 
occupation for his own 
benefit only, but to ful- 
fil a life of good uses and 
to perfect men and women 
for their calling as minis- 
ters, orators, actors, and 

The palms, the statues, 
the soft-toned musical in- 
struments, the very hang- 
ings about the pulpit in 
their symbolic hues be- 
come living things, and 
each teaches its holy les- 
son. The mirrors, silent 
monitors, reflect every 
look, act, or movement, 
like a warning of danger 
or a token of encourage- 

The angel faces that 
gleam above the chancel 
remind the child of the 
Temple of the dreams of 
attendant angels ever near 
her in childhood, and here 
she fancies the dream ful- 

The incentives to strive 
for power, position, fame, 
removed, we see them 
walking, working, talk- 
ing always for the good salome. 
of others. Thev have 
chosen the one thing needful, and all else seems to be added. 

We see Ruby, the perfection of beautiful young womanhood, striving 

* As this romance will continue through the Tolume which opens with this issue, 
and as our subscription list is increasing very rapidly each month, I have thought best 
to publish a brief synopsis of the preceding chapters for the benefit of our readers. — 
Editor of Arena. 


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to be to her father all that her name implies, and shedding the light of 
their love upon the path of the poor in the only way in which humanity 
can be truly lifted up ; i . e., awakening within them the spark that will 
guide them on the way. 

In bold but natural contrast Salome. steps upon the scene, and In her 
first meeting with Ruby we see rise up those human passions that strive 
within and torment struggling humanity; — fear of defeat when she 
contrasts herself with the strange spiritual beauty of Ruby; jealousy, 
and at the last the still human passion to learn of her the secret of those 
powerful charms, for she realizes that the secret would mean success In 
her chosen vocation. 

What natural human questions she puts day after day, probing to 
find out just where Ruby's weak point maybe, and at last, finding none, 
asks boldly for the secret of her power. The answer, " Live to-day, in 
the living, breathing present," etc., seems to stir up a dark pool in her 
young heart, and she exclaims : 

44 You may well say this with your present. I try to close my eyes 
when night comes and forget the day that is done, to let it be a dead 
thing whose ghost will not, I hope, rise up against me somewhere and 
tell me that I have murdered it. Ah, Miss Gladstone, you may live to- 
day, I will live next vear, or in five years perhaps. / am dead to-day." 

But the words of 'Ruby were not lost ; Salome returned to her unhappy 
home with a new resolution to begin to live to-day. It was the first lesson 
in her interior education. 

Here we see a new picture, strong, vivid ; one that burns itself into 
the hearts of mother and daughter ; one of the inconsistencies of love ; one 
of the curses of the home ; a lack of knowledge of the nature and dispo- 
sitions of those we deal with there; the total absence of spiritual or 
internal home education. Salome, carrying in her proud heart shame, 
mortification, memories that haunt her and are ever driving her on with 
but one thought, one purpose, — money, gold, fame. "Gold to gild the 
future and make her forget the past." 


The air was balmy, and the sun shone brightly. Ruby and 
her father drove alone, Mr. and Mrs. Goode being engaged 
with flowers, plants, and vines in the Temple. 

The country round about the city of is pic- 
turesque and beautiful as Switzerland. Many elegant country 
seats near, and further beyond the city limits highly culti- 
vated farms and beautiful homes and grounds bespeak the 
retired gentleman enjoying the fruits of his earlier labors. 

This afternoon Mr. Gladstone was attracted by a shaded 
lane leading to a large grove hedged in by osage orange which 
grew thick and high and impregnable for quite a distance. 
Coming to an opening where a lodge was visible, he inquired 
if the grounds were public or private. The lodge-keeper 
answered that they were private, but open to strangers or 
friends who desired to view the park. Ruby expressed a 
wish to see the grounds, and her father drove in. 

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Though the city was famous for its beautiful parks, they 
had seen nothing like this. Every variety of tree, shrub, 
flower, and plant formed a veiy Elysium, and winding through 
it were shell drives, while here and there were lakes, fountains, 
game, fish. Birds 
and squirrels were 
plentiful, and a 
herd of dee r 
browsed quietly, or 
sunned themselves 
upon the velvet 

Scattered here 
and there were pic- 
turesque cottages, 
which Ruby sup- 
posed to be the 
dwellings of the 
keepers of the 

An elderly gen- 
tleman sitting 
under a spreading 
chestnut tree, bath- 
ing his brow in the 
passing breeze and 
drinking in the 
perfume of flowers 
and the song of birds, looking down the drive was attracted 
by the approach of a pair of Arabian horses of finest breed that 
moved as by the effort of one will, with the peculiar gait born 
of high spirit and pure blood. He delighted in the motion 
as only true lovers of horses can : but as they drew near the 
observer lost interest in the animals and sat with eager, ex-cited 
gaze fixed upon the occupants of the phaeton. " At last," he 
said, a tremor shaking his excited frame, " at last, at last ! " 

He rose as if to attract the attention of the gentleman ; but 
what excuse could he make for accosting the stranger. It 
certainly was allowable, — this opportunity was not to be lost. 
Yet it was lost, for the horses were swift and their long 
swinging trot had taken them out of the sound of his voice. 
He sank down, pale and disappointed, as though a phantom 
had passed by. 


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" It is she ! I always knew I should find her ! Find her 
but to lose her." 

He had some idea of rushing after them and calling out to 
them to stop, but the impulse vanished quickly. 

" It is enough to know that she lives. I should be content 
only to have found her at last. My heart should find peace 
in the thought until I know her dwelling place." 

He was verv much agitated, so much so that he had not 
observed that ne was not alone. 

" Why, father, what ails you ? " cried a clear, rich voice 
which Ruby would have recognized at once. "Have you 
seen a ghost ? " 

" Well, no. But I have seen what I have long sought and 
felt sure I should some time mid. 1 have seen Esculapius and 

his daughter Hygeia. 
Ah, I have had a vis- 
ion of two white 
horses with flowing 
manes and tails, a 
phantom phaeton 
and two diaphanous 
creatures real in 
beauty only. Solon, 
the dream of my life 
since your boyhood 
is realized. I have 
seen a — wife for 
you. 1 have sought 
the world over. I 
knew she was some- 
where, but now I 
have seen her. I 
was so agitated that 
the opportunity 
RUBT# passed. I know not 

who they are, whence 
they came, nor whither they are gone. Solon, my son, I 
would give much to know who those people are, that I might 
seek their acquaintance at once." 

The son, a kingly-looking man of twenty-eight or thirty, 
looked at his father's earnest, troubled face, with deep rever- 
ence and respect. 

" Father," he said calmly, and yet a strange electric thrill 

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passed through his frame with some memory which his 
father's words awakened, "I believe I know the man you 
have described. He — I did not think of it before — he must 
be the father of the young lady. Yes, it must be so. I 
caught a glimpse of her once, like a shooting star. I have 
sought in vain to see her face again, and yet 1 doubt not, now 
that you describe them, 
that I have been near 
her very often." 

"Who are they?" 
asked the elder man, 
looking up with that 
strangely agitated face. 

" He is the master 
from whom 1 learn ora- 
tory. He lives in the 
temple with a house- 
keeper and her hus- 
band. Once I saw a 
vision of loveliness ap- 
pear at his study door. 
I thought she was a 
pupil. Ah, I see now. 
He is a foreigner; he 
has only a few business 
acquaintances here." 

"They will not re- 
turn this way. Come, 
let us walk through the 
park to the outer chive, 
and fortune may favor 
us again." 

The father rose, and taking his son's arm, they walked 
directly through the wooded {>ark. Dr. Cadmus for once had 
no ears for the song of birds, and the fawns that looked shyly 
into his face expecting a tempting morsel from his hand, or a 
stroke of loving kindness, saw him pass them by unheeded. 

Father and son were rewarded. The tread of swift 
horses was heard not far distant, and the gentlemen, who 
paused near the roadside, saw the approach of what both had 
long sought. 

Solon raised his hat to his master, as did the father. Mr. 
Gladstone stopped in pleased surprise. 


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" We have had a most delightful drive. Do I address the 
owner of these magnificent grounds ? " 

Dr. Cadmus bowed, Solon introduced his father, and then 
Mr. Gladstone presented his daughter. 

" I am very glad indeed,'' said Dr. Cadmus, u to welcome 
you, sir. Pray stop with us a while and refresh yourselves. 
If you love trees, Miss Gladstone, I am sure you love 
flowers better. Come, do not say no." 

They thanked him, 
and walked in the 
shadow of the trees 
to the house. 

The home was a 
dream of Eden ma- 
terialized. Groves, 
lakes, fountains, 
vines, flowers. The 
dwelling unpreten- 
tious save its natural 
surroundings ; a one- 
story cottage built in 
a rambling, fantastic 
sort of style, with rus- 
tic walls over which 
the vines could cling, 
each room a bower, 
half room, half gar- 
den. Indeed it might 
have been mistaken 
for a conservatory 
but for the cushions, 
couches, and chairs 
for rest and repose. 
The walls were ob- 
scured by vines and 
tiers of flowers ; foun- 
tains plashing merrily kept time with the music of a soft-toned 
instrument; the oddly shaped windows were glazed with 
every hue, the light coming through in luminous colors ; while 
the carpets in the summer rooms were moss and ferns of 
living emerald. The effect was soothing and restful. 

Here it was that Solon laid down Ins kingly form and gave 
his mind up to pleasant dreams. He mingled with all 

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classes of men, not perhaps to the extent of eating and 
drinking with them, but to study and observe them. He 
listened to sermons, lectures, debates, attended political 
assemblies, conventions, and legislative bodies, generally in 
company with his father. He was getting ready for the great 
game of life which so few study, and wliich they play more 
recklessly than they would a game of cards, chess, or ball, 
and hence so few play successfully. But Solon had been 
taught that it was a game of all others most worth winning, 
and hence he was making great preparations. 

Fair forms and fair faces had flitted before him without 
making any more impression upon heart or brain than the 
figures in the show windows. 

After some minutes the guests were welcomed by a queenly- 
looking woman some years younger than the doctor. Her 
face beamed with joy as she greeted Ruby, and very soon 
they were as much at home together as though they had been 
one family divided for a time and just reunited. The sphere 
about them seemed to harmonize and bind them all together, 
and amid these surroundings Mr. Gladstone read Solon's char- 
acter just as Solon had read his in the temple. 

At first the conversation was general, then Dr. Cadmus and 
Mr. Gladstone drifted into a different stream of current topics 
and, as it were, floated on together. Mrs. Cadmus had Ruby 
equally absorbed, while Solon went out to order ices, tea, and 

Ruby rejoiced in her heart over these new-found friends, 
for they were not strangers. She saw her father's face wear 
the beaming expression that congenial companionship always 
brought to it, and she felt that this friendship would be pre- 
cious to him. She noted the distinguished manner and tear- 
ing of the doctor ; his clear and regular features, his alabaster 
complexion, his slender hands, the almost diaphanous aspect 
of his entire features, which all marked him as a man ad- 
vanced in life ; but when he spoke and became animated this 
impression immediately vanished, and one recognized that a 
powerful spilit dwelt within the frame. His voice retained 
its ring and his eyes their fire. They were brilliant as two 
black diamonds, and burned like carbuncles. They gave an 
extraordinary vivacity to his expression ; and as he seemed to 
bend all his energies to entertain her father, Ruby had oppor- 
tunity to study him most critically. Here was a man that 
might be compared to her father, — the very first she had 
ever met. 

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Solon finally entered into the conversation, and she frankly 
admitted that she had sat in the galleiy and listened to his 
voice many times. He did not tell her how he had watched 
for her, supposing her to be the " one lady pupil." He could 
not understand now how he could ever have supposed her to 
be aught else but the daughter of the great Master of Ora- 
tory, the distinguished lecturer. 

It was growing late in the afternoon when the horses were 
ordered out, and yet the hours had been only moments flying 
upon golden wings. They had learned that the cottages were 
tenanted by Solon's schoolmates from abroad, who, upon visit- 
ing America, enjoyed his hospitality and had all the freedom 
of home life. Some were Englishmen, some Frenchmen, and 
there were Spaniards, Italians, and Greeks. 

"You see we talk in their native tongue and I do not 
altogether lose practice in the languages," he said to Mr. 

" Capital idea," said Mr. Gladstone. " Now, Ruby, for our 
homeward drive. I hope to have an early opportunity of re- 
turning your hospitality, Dr. Cadmus. Madam, the change 
to our Temple home in the city will make you appreciate your 
luxurious surroundings all the more." 

When they passed out of view Mrs. Cadmus laid her hand 
upon her husband's arm and said, " Your star has risen at 
last ! What think you of its beauty, my son ? " — finishing 
her sentence with a loving glance at Solon. 

44 1 thank my father and my mother for having taught me 
to wait for its dawning." 

Dr. Cadmus walked the soft carpet of ferns with noiseless 
tread. His whole liearing betokened the gratification he felt. 
Now that she was found, a question that had not obtruded 
itself upon the son somewhat disturbed the father. What 
if — ah, yes, what if the young lady's affections were other- 
wise engaged ? His son, appearing to read his thoughts, said : 
44 Father, if it is indeed she for whom you have taught me 
to wait, she is already mine. Do not doubt it, — I cannot. 
She is indeed my Star of Bethlehem." 

The father and mother smiled upon their son and said, 
44 You must l>e right." 

Then Solon withdrew to his own apartment and left them 
to discuss the final realization of their dreams concerning his 
future. And now we attempt to describe this young Greek 
whose life is destined to mark a new era in the history of 

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mankind — the very greatest gift from God to a nation, which 
comes but once in a century — a great man. 

The beauty of his countenance consisted in perfect sym- 
metry of feature, smoothness of surface, a serene sweetness 
of expression combined with a majesty born of consciousness 
of power and entire freedom from fear, physical or moral. 

And this philosopher truly believed that the more man can 
assimilate life to the existence which his highest ideas can 
conceive of pure soul life beyond the grave, the more he ap- 
proximates a perfect happiness here, the more readily and 
gladly he glides into the conditions of true being hereafter. 
All he could imagine of the life of gods and blessed immortals 
supposed the absence of self-made cares, contentions, passions 
of avarice and ambition, jealousy and hate. A life of serene 
tranquillity with active occupation of the intellectual and 
spiritual powers, a life gladdened by untrammelled interchange 
of love in a moral atmosphere in which hate and rivalry could 
not exist for one moment, made up his ideal Paradise ; — not 
unattainable by mortals here if they were inclined to reach 
that plane. But few firtd happiness in things so godlike, be- 
cause they persistently cling to the world in which they can 
contend for position, power, and wealth. 

Solon was one of the lords of philosophy who possess the 
natural gifts of the true philosopher, — courage, magnanimity, 
apprehension, and memory. The incentives which are found 
in cupidity and ambition being unknown to him, there was 
nothing left but repose. We might properly call him Har- 
mony of the Inner Man. He had set in order his own inner 
life and was his own master and at peace with himself. To 
this high end this man concentrated the energies of his life. 
HLs studies were those to impress these qualities on his soul. 

Father and son were united in every aim and - purpose. 
They could not expect to find congenial companionship 
among the ordinary class of men. Like all other men of ad- 
vanced thought they were pronounced cranks and given a 
wide berth, but to the few who knew them and were capable 
of appreciating them they were a benediction. 

And now indeed the long wished for had come to pass. 
Solon's whole being soared up on wings of gratitude to his 
God, and he sought to formulate his labors into an expression 
of that love and gratitude. This man, who had the spirit of 
harmony, could only love the loveliest. A beautiful soul 
harmonizing with a beautiful form, and the two cast in one 

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mould, was the fairest of sights to him, who had an eye to 
contemplate the vision. The fairest and loveliest being he 
had ever dreamed of was Ruby. 


Dr. Cadmus and his wife lost no time in visiting their 
newly found acquaintances, and when they entered the 
Temple their first pleasant impressions were strengthened. 
Ruby and her father entertained them in Mr. Gladstone's 

They perceived that happiness was the end at which Ruby 
and her father aimed as the prevailing condition of their 
entire existence, and a regard for the happiness of others was 
evinced by the exquisite amenity of their manners. The 
utter absence of censure or unkind criticism of any one was a 
very marked peculiarity of these two. They dwelt in an 
atmosphere of music and fragrance and melodious sounds, 
soft murmured as a mother's lullaby, and so tuned as to 
inspire rather than hinder conversation and reflection. The 
effect was elevating upon the character and thought. The 
countenances of father and daughter were as devoid of the 
lines and shadows which care and sorrow and passion and sin 
leave upon the faces of men, as were the faces of the 
sculptured gods and goddesses around them, or as peaceful as 
were the faces of the dead who might lie enshrined in their 

Each day these two souls separated for an hour; believing it 
indispensable to soul health and mental harmony to take 
one's self wholly to one's self, or, as it were, to be alone with 
God. No one can grow through the consciousness of 
another. He may receive strength, impulse, direction in some 
degree ; but before these can be assimilated his soul must find 
itself in repose, must reach its higher consciousness, and this 
can only be attained by separating himself completely from 
the exciting or agitating vibrations of other individualities. 

Solon seemed to stand apart from men, and yet a great 
fountain of sympathy flowed from his heart toward all. He 
was grateful to his father for the precautions he had taken to 
insure his being unlike other men in hereditary weakness and 
evil, and to show that gratitude he took up the thread of life 
to weave a new race of beings. He saw in the fallen and 
degraded beings around him only the result of ignorance in 

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begetting, rearing, feeding. Science must bring it all straight 
in time. Religion was ignorance, science knowledge. 

Dr. Cadmus, forced to take a starting point, began to 
argue the mysteries of creation, and proved it, as he thought, 
beginning with the fish. Those closer to the land fed on 
insects or winged creatures ; if the latter, they became flying 
fish. If they wandered far enough on land and the receding 
waves left them, and they learned to feed on grass, they be- 
came transposed into a species of cattle, then through the laws 
of evolution became domestic animals. Who has not seen the 
toad dressed in trousers, with necktie and cane, upon our 
streets, his goggle eyes, great belly, and puny legs telling every 
scientist of his origin ? Man devours flesh food, and as a re- 
sult clings tenaciously to all the instincts of the carnivora in 
ferocity. The gentler animals, feeding upon herbs and vege- 
tation, teach him a lesson, late in life sometimes, that the 
nature of the animal is embodied in the flesh. Swine-eaters 
partake of the nature of swine, albeit the race that most 
detests them is oftenest compared to them. Thus microcos- 
mic man displays here the tiger, there the lion, the eagle, or 
the fox. 


Speaking to Mr. Gladstone, Dr. Cadmus said, " There is no 
use in advancing a theory in science unless you prove its 
practicability. There must be some step taken in advance 
of these religionists, or the human race is lost. We must 
have another God." 

" Cosmopolitan that I am," said Mr. Gladstone, " I cannot 
but be interested in these great questions of the day as dis- 
cussed in America. They must interest the thinking men 
and women all over the nation." 

" Yes," said Dr. Cadmus, " three great armies are forming, 
and the tramp of feet in the busy drill is heard from east, 
west, north, and south. Politics, religion, medicine. The 
charlatanism of medicine has given rise to disbelief in all 
medicinal remedies, and from it have sprung the Christian 
Scientists. The charlatanism of priest and pastor has given 
birth to disbelief and infidelity, agnosticism and theosophy. 
Charlatanism in the political parties has created national dis- 
satisfaction and given birth to anarchism among the lower 
classes and populism and socialism among the truly benevo- 

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lent people, the patriots, the thinkers, the doers ; and their 
great minds have sent out waves of opposition to the present 
system of government that are rising into a tide which, 
taken at its flood, must sweep away not only the framework 
but the very foundation of the present condition of things in 
the American government. 

" The first tiling that astonishes the foreigner is the plu- 
tocracy of this great Republic, the power of gold, the power 
of money. Wall Street of America is parallel with Lom- 
bard Street in London. The nation's bread is a game to be 
played against the poor ; the money of the countiy a ques- 
tion for the few to decide, a commodity too precious for the 
common folk to handle, and the plutocrat cries its basis 
must be gold. Gold not for the people, but for the banker, 
the broker. And what do we witness ? The emblem of Lom- 
bardy, the sign of three golden balls, on every business street 
in the cities, and these grow into palaces on the boulevards, 
banks in the most valuable places, and railroads all over the 

" The spirit abroad is the spirit of revolution. The whole 
framework of society is shaken to the foundation by the 
revolution in thought. It* is spiritual in its origin. God 
speaks to every thinking man and woman in America. His 
voice must be heard. His priests and prophets are awaiting 
the voice and ready to answer to his call. His warriors are 
buckling on their armor. The spirit is abroad, the spirit of 
the angel messenger that brings good tidings of great joy. A 
wave of truth against falsity, of right against wrong. The 
sword is two-edged and is supreme — the sword of everlast- 
ing truth. 4 The people come ! ' cries the watcher in the 
tower. 4 The people ! Jehovah comes in the name of the 
people. He speaks with the voice of the people, and the cry 
is, Vox populi, vox Dei. ' 

" It took nearly a century to show Americans the sin of 
slavery. Once seen, they struck the shackles from the slave. 
Show them the wrong of the present system of government, 
only let them see it, and they will right it. The error was 
with part of the nation then, the lesser part. Had they seen 
the evil they would have shared the glory of the liberation of 
the slaves instead of the shame of defeat. The wrong to- 
day is a national wrong, and the people, the whole people, are 
concerned. Put the question before them, show them the 
wrong, help them to see the right and they will do it. 

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" We are approaching a new era and in a new spirit. The 
very spirit of the age demands a new state of things, and it 
will be a revolution in church and State. Churclinien can 
no longer build churches and starve the poor. The State 
can no longer see honest women deprived of their lifelong 
labor by barbarous laws giving to the husband's family the 
earnings of his wife, the partner of his early battle in life 
and long years of privation. You cannot confront one prop- 
osition without confronting the whole. Why? Because 
eternal justice links the whole together and demands the 
change. The government must be the guardian of her sub- 
jects. She must furnish labor and money to pay for it. 
Money in this emergency must come as it did in the Civil 
War — scrip if you please — the people's pledge to pay. 
Did they not pay willingly to free the slave ? , Will they not 
be equally willing to pay to free themselves, their children 
and their children's children ? 

u From the old political factions grew the Republican 
party, — the Black Republican party as it was called, — the 
Abolitionists ; and from out the decaying ruins of these old 
parties shall grow a new one that shall free the white slaves ; 
a government to teach her people, a great, fostering, loving 
guardian of the nation ; a government that shall no longer 
license crime (liquor) and hang the#criminal ; no longer 
celebrate her Independence Day in vulgar display and waste 
of millions of dollars in fireworks, but call her children to- 
gether and show them that the annual expenditure rightly, 
religiously employed, would endow colleges, build homes, buy 
farms, and bless them a thousand times in blessing others. Is 
it seemly that a great nation should do a little thing ? 

"Every force is a telling power straight from the throne 
of God. A Moses shall be found. No need to ask God to 
do the work of feet and hands and voice in this world ; man 
is His vicegerent on the earth. The people of America 
must have a new government and must begin by having a new 

Dr. Cadmus's words startled Ruby, who thus far had lis- 
tened with rapt attention. 

"A God of love and mercy, a God for the poor man such as 
Jesus foretold, a Comforter, the Spirit of Truth ; a practical, 
common-sense religion, preached by a practical, common-sense 
clergy. Not a theoretical theology preached on Sundays by 
students who have no practical knowledge of the world or of 

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men or their daily needs. The clergy have no sympathy 
with the people. They should understand men. They 
should learn to do so in their capacity of teachers of the 
young ; they should know more of human needs than others. 
There is no use in the clergy telling the people their trouble 
is brought upon them by an avenging God, when they know 
it is brought upon them by politicians bought by the plutoc- 
racy of America. They don't believe in such a God. He is 
too much like the clergy and the politician of the day who 
hold up a picture of themselves and call it God ; but the 
people recognize the likeness and will not have it as their 

"The deeds of bravery and heroism that emblazoned 
America on the world's rolls of honor in the Civil War shall 
be repeated in the great conflict that is to come ; — a blood- 
less battle that shall be fought first in the spiritual world and 
ultimated in the natural world in the song of peace. The 
everlasting God shall breathe upon the people, and plenty 
shall bless them all ; plenty of money and plenty of bread. 
There is a work to do ; work requiring human eyes and hu- 
man ears, human feet and human hands, willing to do what 
the Lord shows them must be done. 

u The days of plutocracy are numbered. The hairs of their 
heads have been counted ; for, lo ! the people shall move in 
concert. Bellamy sounded the first trumpet ; he felt the pul- 
sation of the advancing thought in the new life. He could 
not help writing it. The thought waves of millions struck 
him when he took up his pen and it wrote what the people 
longed for. Not that they may ever attain to it ; but from 
the golden dream of the writer they may weave a practical 
form of government that shall answer the prayers of the 
struggling people and the noble workers in their cause. 

" The cry goes up, Every man to his axe. Wherever there 
is a rotten beam cut it out ; wherever a leaking roof knock 
it off ; the foundation Is good, the great Republic will stand, 
but the rotten timbers put in by false religion, avarice, self-in- 
terest, prejudice or what not, must come out. 

" Are women wronged by laws made by men ? Let man 
fright the wrong. Can men be lovers, aye kings, in the eyes 
of their queens, if these must snatch the sceptre from the 
hands of men and vote for their own rights ? Will not the 
gallant men of America accord to them most gladly and 
graciously their rights? Only show them their wrongs. 

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Why, only to-day in speaking of the question a journalist 
well up in the problems of the day told me that he under- 
stood the main fight for woman suffrage to be on the ground 
of the old revolutionary question of taxation without repre- 
sentation. That, sir, is only the question in the West. The 
New England women have a graver wrong as dark as the 
slavery question was to right. Strange that the men of the 
East saw the wrong in their far-away southern brothers own- 
ing slaves, but see not the wrong in the companion of their 
life and labors being thrust from the home she has helped to 
earn ; her husband's relations put in her place to reap the har- 
vest she has sown and she driven out to work again. Show 
this fact to the men of the South, the North, the West, and 
there will be no need of the fair sex voting for rights. The 
men will redress her wrongs and thereby accord to her her 
rights. The whole thing is unnatural and wrong. It is like 
my wife, my daughter, my sister, asking me to give them 
power to taunt me with their independence. They must 
ever feel that I gave it (for if they ever get it, it must come 
as a gift from the men), and I must ever feel that my in- 

{"ustice goaded them to ask, beg, demand a thing which if I 
lad understood they needed I should have freely bestowed as 
I would the food and shelter and raiment I had always worked 
for ; for what is man's life work for but for woman, woman to 
love us, woman to respect us, woman to lead us up and arouse 
our better selves? It is ignorance; but once enlightened, once 
the whole question is blazoned upon their nation's flag, the 
people, the whole people, will be one in politics, religion, free- 

(To be continued.) 

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No sails veered before the wind, 
No hunter slew the fleeing hind, 
No trees were felled for warlike ships, 
No arrows chipped from flinty stone, 
No widowed hearts to weep and moan 
Nor tell of war with whitened lips. 

No conquests, for the shipless sea 
From flags and galley-fleets was free, 
No tortured serfs, no conquered slaves 
To trim the sail or ply the oars, 
No aimed legions to invade the shores 
Washed only by the waves. 

No man at arms with spear and axe, 
No toiling lives, no grinding tax, 
Ambition knew no crowned king, 
With minions fierce and bold ; 
No captured lands to seize, to hold, 
No monarch's signet ring. 

No landed metes and bounds, 

No wooded parks, no baying hounds, 

No gilded grand armorial halls, 

No wassails, knights, or wine, 

No warlike shields with glinty shine 

Gleamed from baronial walls. 

No tempted hearts to worship gold, 
No titled honor, to be bought or sold, 
No heartless greed for pomp and gain ; 
But simple lives and gentle loves, 
Bleating Lambs and cooing doves, 
And hearts not racked with pain. 

The mad pulse of the world was still, 
Only the flow of the peaceful rill, 
Only the forests silent and old, 
Solemn aisles by man untrod, 
Home of earth's primal god, 
Who was no slave to gold. 

Only the flocks and folds of Pan, 
Only the Golden Age of man. 
Only the ^oat-herds' Pandean chime 
Plaved with such skill, 'tis said, 
It charmed the browsing herds that fed 
On the slopes of the olden time. 


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Reviewed by B. O. Flower. 

It is very suggestive to the student who thinks below the surface to 
note the surprising activity evinced in the world of thought by master 
minds regarding problems relating to psychical research. We are ap- 
proaching the meridian of a century which corresponds in many ways to 
the first century of modern times (1460-1650), and the intellectual, moral, 
and spiritual activity of the present time, though necessarily far different 
from that which emphasized the Renaissance, is none the less boldly 
marked. In the world of social, ethical, religious, and scientific thought 
we see the interrogation point raised on every hand, while side by side 
with this searching and challenging spirit we also note a vast amount of 
constructive work going on. Everywhere the loftiest spirits and the 
most advanced and profound natures are demanding nobler ideals than 
those which have prevailed in the past, while the ascendancy of the criti- 
cal and scientific spirit is also observable in every field of investigation, 
although it must be confessed that critical scientific thinkers have been 
slow to engage in careful systematic investigation of psychical phenomena. 
This has doubtless been due to many causes. The whole field of research 
until lately was regarded as a dark continent, subtle and elusive in results, 
while conservative prejudice on the one hand and the fraudulent imposi- 
tion of alleged psychical phenomena on the other have operated with 
other causes to prevent many of the most thoughtful and sincere searchers 
after truth from entering a field of investigation which promises incalcu- 
lable gain to humanity when the laws which underlie psychical science are 
clearly demonstrated. Among sincere investigators it is doubtless true that 
many have permitted their zeal to override their discretion, while on the 
other hand a number of ultra-conservatives have erred in the opposite 
direction from the predominance of the materialistic bias and doubtless, 
in some instances, fearing lest they should bring down upon their heads 
the anathemas of a slothful conventionalism. But in spite of the injudi- 
cious on the one hand and the ultra-conservative on the other, there is a 
vast body of well-balanced, thoughtful, and competent investigators who 
are tirelessly pursuing every great problem which promises blessings for 
civilization and an increase of knowledge for man. Nowhere is that 
activity more noticeable at the present time than in the field of psychical 
research. Recently several volumes of great value and worthy of the 

•"Miracles and Modern Spiritualism," bv Alfred RuhpcI Wallace, D. C. L.. 
LL. D M F. R. 8. Revised edition, with chapters on Apparition? and Phantasms 
George Redway, 9 Hart St., Bloomabury, London, England. Price V- pet 

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serious consideration of all scholarly men and women who dare to think 
have appeared. The first of these I wish to notice is " Miracles and 
Modern Spiritualism," by the eminent English scientist, Dr. Alfred 
Russel Wallace. 

This work, which consists of a carefully revised and enlarged edition 
of Dr. Wallace's former work, to which are added the important papers 
originally written for the Arena on " Objective Apparitions and Why 
They Appear," and an important appendix. 

Dr. Alfred Russel Wallace is recognized as the world's greatest living 
naturalist, and his work as co-discoverer with Darwin of the law of Evolu- 
tion has long since placed him among the greatest physical scientists of 
this pre-eminently scientific century. Hence the following extracts from 
the preface to his work will be of peculiar interest to thinking people, 
and should receive the special attention of physical scientists with a 
materialistic bias who have been flippant and superficial in their criticism 
of this great serene soul who has penetrated beyond the range of their 
vision : 

I am well aware that my scientific friends are somewhat puzzled to 
account for what they consider to be my delusion, and believe that it has 
injuriously affected whatever power I may have once possessed of dealing 
with the philosophy of Natural History. One of them — Mr. Anton 
Dohrn — has expressed this plainly. I am informed that, in an article 
entitled " Englische Kritiker und Anti-Kritiker des Darwinismus," pub- 
lished in 1861, he has put forth the opinion that Spiritualism and Natural 
Selection are incompatible, and that my divergence from the views of 
Mr. Darwin arises from my belief in Spiritualism. He also supposes that 
in accepting the spiritual doctrines I have been to some extent influenced 
by clerical and religious prejudice. As Mr. Dohrn's views may be those 
of other scientific friends, 1 may perhaps be excused for entering into 
some personal details in reply. 

From the age of fourteen I lived with an elder brother, of advanced 
liberal and philosophical opinions, and 1 soon lost (and have never since 
regained) all capacity of being affected in my judgments either by clerical 
influence or religious prejudice. Up to the time when 1 first became ac- 
quainted with the facts of Spiritualism, I was a confirmed philosophical 
sceptic, rejoicing in the works of Voltaire, Strauss, and Carl Vogt, and an 
ardent admirer (as 1 am still) of Herbert Spencer. I was so thorough 
and confirmed a materialist that 1 could not at that time find a place in 
my mind for the conception of spiritual existence, or for any other agen- 
cies in the universe than matter and force. Facts, however, are stubborn 
things. My curiosity was at first excited by some slight but inexplicable 
phenomena occurring in a friend's family, and my desire for knowledge 
and love of truth forced me to continue* the inquiry. The facts became 
more and more assured, more and more varied, more and more removed 
from anything that modern science taught or modern philosophy specu- 
lated on. They compelled me to accept them as facts long before I could 
accept the spiritual explanation of them; there was at that time "no 
place in my fabric of thought into which it could be fitted.'' By slow 
degrees a place was made ; but it was made, not by any preconceived or 
theoretical opinions, but by the continuous action of fact after fact, which 
could not be got rid of in any other way. So much for Mr. Anton 
Dohrn's theory of the causes which led me to accept Spiritualism. Let 
us now consider the statement as to its incompatibility with Natural 

Having, as above indicated, been led, by a strict induction from facts, 

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to a belief : firstly, in the existence of a number of preterhuman intelli- 
gences of various grades, and, secondly, that some of these intelligences, 
although usually invisible and intangible to us, can and do act on matter 
and do influence our minds, 1 am surely following a strictly logical and 
scientific course in seeing how far this doctrine will enable us to account 
for some of those residual phenomena which Natural Selection alone will 
not explain. In the tenth chapter of my " Contributions to the Theory of 
Natural Selection," 1 have pointed out what I consider to be some of those 
residual phenomena ; and I have suggested that they may be due to the 
action of some of the various intelligences above referred to. This view 
waSj however, put forward with hesitation, and I myself suggested diffi- 
culties in the way of its acceptance ; but 1 maintained, and still maintain, 
that it is one which is logically tenable, and is in no way inconsistent 
with a thorough acceptance of the grand doctrine of Evolution through 
Natural Selection, although implying (as indeed many of the chief sup- 
porters of that doctrine admit) that it is not the all-powerful, all-suffi- 
cient, and only cause of the development of organic forms. 

In the preface to this last edition Dr. Wallace observes : 

It was about the year 1843 that I first became interested in psychical 
phenomena, owing to the violent discussion then going on as to the real- 
ity of the painless surgical operations performed on patients in the mes- 
meric trance by Dr. Elliotson and other English surgeons. The greatest 
surgical and physiological authorities of the day declared that the patients 
were either impostors or persons naturally insensible to pain ; the oper- 
ating surgeons were accused of bribing their patients, and Dr. Elliotson 
was described as " polluting the temple of science." The Medico-Chirur- 
gical Society opposed the reading of a paper describing an amputation 
during the magnetic trance, while Dr. Elliotson himself was ejected from 
his professorship in the University of London. It was at this time gen- 
erally believed that all the now well-known phenomena of hypnotism 
were the result of imposture. 

It so happened that in the year 1844 1 heard an able lecture on mesmerism 
by Mr. Spencer Hall, and the lecturer assured his audience that most 
healthy persons could mesmerize some of their friends and reproduce many 
of the phenomena he had shown on the platform. This led me to try for my- 
self, and I soon found that I could mesmerize with varying degrees of 
success, and before long I succeeded in producing in my own room, either 
alone with my patient or in the presence of friends, most of the usual 
phenomena. Partial or incomplete catalepsy, paralysis of the motor nerves 
in certain directions, or of any special sense, every kind of delusion pro- 
duced by suggestion, insensibility to pain, and community of sensation 
with myself when at a considerable distance from the patient, were all 
demonstrated, in such a number of patients and under such varying con- 
ditions as to satisfy me of the genuineness of the phenomena. I thus 
learnt my first great lesson in the inquiry into these obscure fields of 
knowledge, never to accept the disbelief of great men, or their accusations 
of imposture or of imbecility, as of any weight when opposed to the 
repeated observation of facts" by other men admittedly sane and honest. 
The whole history of science shows us that, whenever the educated and 
scientific men of any age have denied the facts of other investigators on 
a priori grounds of absurdity or impossibility, the deniers have always 
been wrong. 

A few years later and all the more familiar facts of mesmerism were 
accepted "by medical men, and explained more or less satisfactorily to 
themselves, as not being essentially different from known diseases of the 
nervous system, and of late years the more remarkable phenomena, in- 
cluding clairvoyance both as to facts known and those unknown to the 
mesmerizer, have been established as absolute realities. 

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Next we come to the researches of Baron von Reichenbach on the 
action of magnets and crystals upon sensitives. I well remember how 
these were scouted by the late Dr. W. B. Carpenter and Prof. 
Tyndall, and how I was pitied for my credulity in accepting them. But 
many of his results liave now beeu tested by French and English 
observers and have been found to be correct. Then we all remember how 
the phenomena of the stigmata, which have occurred at many epochs in 
the Catholic Church, were always looked upon by sceptics as gross 
imposture, and the believers in its reality as too far gone in credulity to 
be seriously reasoned with. Yet when the case of Louise Lateauwas 
thoroughly investigated by sceptical physicians, and could be no longer 
doubted, the facts were admitted ; and when, later on, somewhat similar 
appearances were produced in hypnotic patients by suggestion the whole 
matter was held to be explained. 

Second sight, crystal-seeing, automatic writing, and allied phenomena 
have been usually treated either as self-delusion or as imposture, but now 
that they have been carefully studied by Mr. Myers, Mr. Stead, and other 
inquirers, they have been found to be genuine facts; and it has been 
further proved that they often give information not known to any one 
present at the time, and even sometimes predict future events with 

Lastly, we come to consider the claim of the intelligences who are con- 
nected with most of these varied phenomena to be the spirits of deceased 
men and women ; such claim being supported by tests of various kinds, 
especially by giving accurate information regarding themselves as to facts 
totally unknown to the medium or to any person present. Records of 
such tests are numerous in spiritual literature as well as in the publica- 
tions of the Society for Psychical Research, but at present they are re- 
garded as inconclusive, and various theories of a double or multiple 
personality, of a sub-conscious or second self, or of a lower stratum of 
consciousness, are called in to explain them or to attempt to explain 
them. The stupendous difficulty that, if these phenomena and these 
tests are to be all attributed to the " second self "* of living persons, then 
that second self is almost always a deceiving and a lying self, however 
moral and truthful the visible and tangible first self may be, has, so far 
as I know, never been rationally explained ; yet this cumbrous and unin- 
telligible hypothesis finds great favor with those who have always been 
accustomed to regard the belief in a spirit world, and more particularly a 
belief that the spirits of our dead friends can and do sometimes communi- 
cate with us, as unscientific, unphilosophical, and superstitious. Why it 
should .be unscientific, more than any other hypothesis which alone serves 
to explain intelligibly a great body of facts, lias never been explained. 
The antagonism which it excites seems to l>e mainly due to the fact that 
it is, and has long been in some form or other, the belief of the religious 
world and of the ignorant and superstitious of all ages, while a total dis- 
belief in spiritual existence has beeu the distinctive badge of modern 
scientific scepticism. The belief of the uneducated and unscientific multi- 
tude, however, rested on the broad basis of alleged fact* which the scien- 
tific world scouted and scoffed at as impossible. But they are now 
discovering, as this brief sketch has shown, that the alleged facts, one 
after another, prove to be real facts, and strange to say, with little or no 
exaggeration, since almost every one of them, though implying abnormal 
powers in human being or the agency of a spirit-world around us, has 
been strictly paralleled in the present day, and has been subjected to the 
close scrutiny of the scientific and sceptical with little or no modification 
of their essential nature. Since, then, the scientific world has been proved 
to have been totally wrong in its denial of the facts, as being contrary to 
laws of nature and therefore incredible, it seems highly probable, a priori, 
it may have been equally wrong as to the spirit hypothesis, the dislike of 

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which mainly led to their disl>elief in the facts. For myself, I have never 
been able to see why any one hypothesis should be less scientific than 
another, except so far as one explains the whole of the facts and the 
other explains only a part of them. It was this alone that rendered the 
theory of gravitation more scientific than that of cycles and epicycles, 
the undulatory theory of light more scientific than the emission theory, 
and the theory of Darwin more scientific than that of Lamarck. It is 
often said that we must exhaust known causes before we call in unknown 
causes to explain phenomena. This may be admitted, but I cannot see 
how it applies to the present question. The u second *' or " sub-con- 
scious self," with its wide stores of knowledge, how gained no one knows, 
its distinct character, its low morality, its constant lies, is as purely a 
theoretical cause as is the spirit of a deceased person or any other spirit. 
It can in no sense be termed "a known cause/' To call this hypothesis 
14 scientific " and that of spirit agency 44 unscientific,'' is to beg the ques- 
tion at issue. That theory is most scientific which best explains the 
whole series of phenomena ; and I therefore claim that the spirit hypoth- 
esis is the most scientific, since even those who oppose it most strenu- 
ously often admit that it does explain all the facts, which cannot be said 
of any other hypothesis. 

I have quoted at length from Dr. Wallace's exceedingly thoughtful 
preface, feeling that such observations from such a source will be of 
special interest to students of psychical science, and also to show how 
firmly this truly grand old man, this savant among savants, adheres to the 
spiritual philosophy. 

In the body of the volume the author discusses among other sub- 
jects 44 Modern Miracles Viewed as Natural Phenomena," 44 The Evi- 
dence of the Reality of Apparitions," " Modern Spiritualism : Evidence 
of Men of Science," 44 Evidence of Literary and Professional Men to 
the Facts of Modern Spiritualism," 44 The Moral Teachings of Spiritual- 
ism," 4i A Defence of Modern Spiritualism," 4t Are There Objective Ap- 
paritions? " 44 What Are Phantasms, and Why Do They Appear? " 

This work is justly entitled to a wide circulation ; it is strong, dignified, 
critical, yet sympathetic ; in a word, the truly scientific spirit pervades it. 


Reviewed by B. O. Flqwer. % 

In Ethan Allen's 44 Drama of the Revolution " we have a work as unique 
as it is thrilling and instructive, the merit of which lies in its close ad- 
herence to history and its vivid portrayal of the great scenes of the Revo- 
lution in such a manner as to bring the reader into intimate relation to 
the very atmosphere of the great epoch described that he seems to be one 
of the onlookers. Dramatic power is accompanied by the verity of his- 
tory in a manner seldom, if ever, equalled. From the opening scene to 
the close of the drama the reader is enthralled by the fascinating influence 
of the pen which possesses the power to make men live before the reader's 
eyes and great scenes appear as they occurred. In this work it matters 

* " The Drama of the Revolution," by Ethan Allen. Two volumes, Illustrated. Price, 
cloth, $1.50 per volume; paper, fifty cents per volume. Published by F. Tennyson 
Neeley, New York and Chicago. 

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not whether the scene be laid in Boston, New York, Saratoga, at the 
English Council Chamber or the Court of France, whether the patriot 
army is enduring the terrible privation which only souls of purest mould 
will voluntarily endure or whether Cornwallis's army is stacking its arms 
at Yorktown, the reader's interest is sustained and he feels that instead 
of the details too often given in so tedious a manner in the endeavor to 
resemble the real thrilling facts portrayed much as a manikin resembles 
a man, he is actually witnessing in his mind's eye one of the grandest 
epochs in history. This work is of exceptional value for the young, as it 
will stimulate in them a noble patriotism precisely the reverse of the 
pseudo patriotism which has been nourished by the laudatory Napoleonic 
literature and which fans the war spirit but drives into the background 
the great principles of human rights, justice, freedom, and regard for the 
sanctity of life. Ethan Allen has written a noble work, one calculated 
to inspire lofty ideals while being as instructive as a carefully written 
history and as fascinating as a powerfully written work of fiction. 

Reviewed by B. O. Flower. 

The author of the work deserves the gratitude of all lovers of good 
English literature for a work of exceptional value to the student of Eng- 
lish literature. In twenty-five letters about notable English authors from 
the days of Chaucer to Tennyson and Ruskin, she has given a vivid, en- 
tertaining, panoramic view of the master minds in English literature, with 
graphic glimpses of the ages in which the immortal trains passed, receiv- 
ing from the ages and giving to the other ages the legacy of their thought. 

There is a sturdiness of spirit and a wholesomeness of atmosphere and 
emphasis laid upon adherence to principle which is exceedingly refresh- 
ing at the present time when scholastic hair-splitting so frequently ob- 
scures the grand fundamentals which make up nobility of character. 
This is strongly illustrated in the following preface to the author's 
Letters on John Milton : 

I have always felt that year a lost one in which I made no new 
friend. And this year I am the richer for your friendship. Is it not so? 
You are not merely a voice coming to me from a distance. I know you, 
1 liave tested your character in a good many ways, and I have not found 
you wanting yet. You have never yet said to me, u Don't give me so 
much to do. 1 can't find time to read all tliat. Is it necessary to do this? 
I don't see the good of it." 

You haven't given up, even through the headaches and bad colds, 
and the lost days in a sick-bed. Y'our determination to learn, to grow, 
has not weakened. You haven't made physical weakness a pretext for 
mental inertness. I like that, and I like it the more empliatically because 
I so constantly meet with exactly the contrary spirit, with machine girls, 
who need winding as regularly as clocks do. They absolutely can*t go 
of themselves. They must be wheedled and coaxed, and patted on the 

* *• Twenty-flve Letters on English Authors," by Mary Fisher. Cloth, $1.68; 406 
pages. 8. C. Griggs & Co., Chicago, IU. 

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head, or reprimanded and spurred to their tasks, and sometimes the wheels 
clog up or break, and then all the winding in the world can't make them go. 
They just stand still forever. They're alive, because they can wear fine 
clothes, and eat and giggle and chatter gibberish like magpies, but that's 
all. They never do anything unless it be to make life a burden to all who 
know them. . 

It is a pitiful comment on human weakness that every gang of work- 
men needs its overseer or " boss " to watch and see that each one is diligent. 
It is a pitiful comment on human short-sightedness that we cannot under- 
stand that all the heroic qualities, strength, courage, persistence, grow 
out of difficulties met and vanquished, out of pleasures denied and duties 
performed in the face of disinclination. There is an unhappy theory in 
practice at present, that everything should be made pleasant for young 
people, that their tasks should be turned into play, and that the serious- 
ness of life must be studiously concealed from them. It is my opinion 
that when a child learns to walk by being carried about in its mother's 
arms, or a youth learns to swim by riding in a merry-go-round, he may 
also learn to be a thoughtful, energetic man, from being a thoughtless, 
idle, pleasure-seeking youth. 

Ruskin has a good word to say on thoughtlessness in youth which I 
can't forbear quoting : " In general, I have no patience with people who 
talk about the thoughtlessness of youth indulgently. I had infinitely 
rather hear of thoughtless old age and the indulgence due to that. When 
a man has done his work, and nothing can any way be materially 
altered in his fate, let him forget his toil and jest with his fate if he will ; 
but what excuse can you find for wilfulness of thought at the very time 
when every crisis of future fortune hangs on your decisions V A youth 
thoughtless ! when the career of all his days depends on the opportunity 
of a moment. A youth thoughtless ! when his every act is a foundation 
stone of future conduct, and every imagination a fountain of life or 
death. Be thoughtless in any after years, rather than now, though, 
indeed, there is only one place where a man may be nobly thoughtless, — 
his death-bed. No thinking should ever be left to be done there.'" 

We need more of this seriousness and thoughtfulness among our 
youth, more of the spirit that faces an obstacle with no intention, of 
yielding to it, but meets it as a river does a mountain. The river can't go 
over the mountain. Very well, then, it can go round it. At any rate, it 
will not run back to its source. Any way to get onward, onward, but 
never once backward. That is the heroic spirit. That is the spirit of 
John Milton. 

I am glad we have that hero for our subject to-day. lie fits exactly 
into the spirit of what I have been saying. You cannot find in ail 
history so perfect an example of a man who lived so wholly above the 
vulgarities and annoyances of life, and yet at the same time shirked no 
duty, however distasteful, that came to him, never once turned aside 
from his lofty ideas, never once yielded to discouragement, but turned 
his very trials, his obstacles, his sorrows, into stepping-stones of glory. 

It is not necessary that one should always agree with the author's 
estimate, and there are some points which will not, I think, stand the 
test of critical investigation, as when she cites the great-grandson's life 
of Sir Thomas More, instead of Sir Thomas's son-in-law, William Roper's 
life as the most authentic. Still, in spite of what appear to me to be 
occasional defects, the volume as a whole is exceedingly valuable, being 
characterized by vigor, clearness, and a directness of style very pleasing. 
It will interest all young people who love the literature of the mother 
country. It is at once rich in suggestion, entertaining, and instructive. 

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The Message of our Quaker Poet to Men and Women of the 
Present Day. 

The life of Whittier, no less than his inspiring lines, bears a message of 
deep import to present-day civilization. In the feverish intoxication of 
modern existence, so rife with artificiality and duplicity he maintained 
a lofty serenity of soul and in his simplicity, naturalness, and candor 
proved the falsity of the teachings of certain modern sophists, who 
claim that the Christ-life cannot be lived in the environment of modern 
times, lie, more than any of his illustrious contemporary singers, 
preserved from youth to silver age the soul of a child. Many men who 
in their higher and truer moments have given the world noble and elevat- 
ing thoughts, have themselves signally failed to live up to their fine 
teachings and, in unguarded moments and hours of temptation, have so 
fallen that the recollection of their shortcomings rests like a sable cloud 
over their noble utterances. Not so with Whittier; his life was excep- 
tionally pure, and while I imagine no man ever reaches at all times his 
ideals, our Quaker poet, in a greater degree than most of us, maintained 
that serenity of soul, that purity of thought and kindliness of nature, 
which reflect the divine side of man. That he sometimes fell short of 
his high ideals, is shown in many of his own lines, notably in the fol- 
lowing from " My Triumph : " 

T^et the thick curtain fall ; 
I better know than all 
How little I have gained, 
How vast the unattained. 

* # # # 

Sweeter than any sung 

My songs that found no tongue ; 

Nobler than any fact 

My wish which failed of act. 

And this consciousness of a failure to live up to his highest level in 
thought and aspiration is further illustrated in the following touching 
story told by Mrs. Mary B. Claflin, in her " Personal Kecollections of 

44 The morning mail," observes this lady, 44 usually brought him a great 
number of letters (often as many as fifty) ; and one morning as he was 
looking over the pile before him, he lingered a long time over one, and 
looked troubled, as though it contained some sad news. At length hand- 
ing it to me, he said : 4 1 wish thee would read that letter ; ' and then, 
with his head downcast, and his deep, melancholy eyes looking, as it 


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seemed, Into the very depths of human mysteries, he sat still till I had 
finished it. 

" It was written by one whose life had been spent on a remote farm 
among the hills of New Hampshire, away fron every privilege her nature 
craved — a most pathetic letter written, it seemed, out of the deepest hu- 
man longing for sympathy, for companionship and uplifting. The lonely 
woman wrote, she said, to tell Mr. Whittier what his poems had been to 
her during all the years of her desolate heart^yearning for education, for 
enlightenment, and for touch with the great outside world. She added : 
4 In my darkest moments I have found light and comfort in your poems, 
which 1 always keep by my side ; and as I never expect to liave the privi- 
lege of looking into your face, I feel that I must tell you, before I leave 
this world, what you have been through your writings to one and, I have 
no doubt, to many a longing heart and homesick soul. I have never been 
in a place so dark and hopeless that I could not And light and comfort 
and hope in your poems ; and when I go into ray small room and close 
my door upon the worries and perplexing cares that constantly beset me, 
and sit down by my window that looks out over the hills, which have 
been my only companions, I never fail to find in the volume, which is al- 
ways by my side, some word of peace and comfort to my longing heart/ 

41 The letter was such as would bring tears from any sympathetic 
heart, and I remarked, returning it to him, c I would rather have the tes- 
timony you are constantly receiving from forlorn and hungry souls — the 
assurance that you are helping God's neglected children — than the 
crown of any queen on earth." 

" With tearful eyes and choking voice, he replied : 4 Such letters 
greatly humiliate me. I can sometimes write from a high plane, but 
thee knows I cannot live up to it all the time. I wish I could think I de- 
served all the kind things said of me.' " 

This touching incident is thoroughly characteristic of the life of him in 
whom we find humility, sincerity, simplicity, and sympathy, only 
equalled by a passionate devotion to freedom, justice, and truth — a man 
who was at once a poet of nature, an apostle of liberty, and a prophet of 
progress. He interpreted in a manner thoroughly intelligible to the 
most unschooled mind the profoundest truths of life, which pertain to 
the spirit, and which come only to the mystic, who in the hushed cham- 
bers of his soul hears speak the still, small voice of the Infinite. Finally, 
and crowning all, his life, of which I have spoken, was such as to give 
special emphasis to his inspired lines, and giving to them a peculiar value 
for aspiring youth. 


President St. John's Proposed Platform for the American 
Independents of 1896. 

In the strong, patriotic, statesmanlike, and truly American platform 
proposed by Mr. William P. St. John, president of the Mercantile Na- 

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tional Bank of New York, and contributed to this issue of the Arena, 
will be found much food for reflection. 

As it would be impossible to find a candidate who would impress all 
sincere patriots as an ideal selection, in the nature of the case it will be 
so with any platform proposed for the unification of those intelligent 
friends of the business interests and the wealth creators of our nation 
in the present battle against the mechanism of the British financial policy. 
And yet all thinking persons who are also true patriots must recognize 
the fact that at the present time we have a clear-cut battle for supremacy 
between the forces of an anarchical plutocracy and those representing 
social order and true democracy. This is a supreme fact we must keep 
in mind, for it is the very point which the gold power and the combina- 
tions which systematically seek to debauch legislation, corrupt govern- 
ment, and evade justice most desire to conceal from the voter. And it is 
a notable fact that to this end patriotic statesmen and broad-minded and 
authoritative economists are being traduced almost as viciously as were 
Samuel Adams and John Hancock in the early days of our struggle 
against British oppression and for the establishing of an American Re- 
public. In the present battle, moreover, old partisan prejudice is being 
appealed to, and all manner of absurd talk is put forth by conspirators 
against the Republic and their hired tools, which reminds one of the 
voice of the metropolitan press when Abraham Lincoln was nominated 
to the Presidency. Ilence it is of paramount importance that we divest 
our minds of all prejudice and refuse to be longer deceived by the sham 
battle which has so long been carried on between the leaders of plutoc- 
racy's forces with the deliberate intent to mislead the voter. 

I now wish to notice Mr. St. John's proposed platform from my per- 
sonal point of view. As before observed, no platform or. candidate will 
suit all sincere patriots. But in the battle now being waged between plu- 
tocracy and English domination on the one hand and democracy and 
Americanism on the other, patriots must be prepared to make concessions 
for the salvation of the Republic against corrupt boss rule and the subtle 
mechanism of the gold power in this land and the influence of the Bank 
of England's policy, which has so markedly prostrated our industries 
and in so large a way brought about stagnation throughout the length 
and breadth of the Republic. 

In his first demand (a) Mr. St. John calls for the reopening of the 
mints for the free coinage of silver and gold at the ratio of 16 to 1. 
(6) Against the cry of the paid attorneys of the gold power that 
we would find silver cumbersome, he makes ample provisions in his prop- 
osition for coin-certificates, though as a matter of fact silver coined in 
smaller denominations than the dollar would not only be acceptable 
to America's millions, but would be very difficult, if not impossible, to 
corner by the gamblers of Wall Street. And this is one of the rea- 
sons why the usurer class are the sworn enemies. of the white metal. 
The bugaboo of the bulk of silver dollars is merely a phantom of the 
gold power. Hence the issuance of silver in smaller denominations than 
the dollar, coupled with the proposed coin-certificate redeemable in coin 

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on demand, effectually does away with the bogy of the special pleaders 
of the Bank of England's financial policy, (c) There seems to have 
been a concerted effort on the part of the American Tories to alarm the 
business interests in the face of the tremendous discontent of the indus- 
trial millions which they find themselves unable to cope with, by the 
threat of a panic, if any change is brought about which will produce 
prosperity, happiness, and the independence of America's millions* of 
wealth creators, from the business men and manufacturers to the artisans 
and farmers ; this threat of a panic is threadbare, and had we a free press 
in the money centres of this country there would be no danger of it in- 
fluencing any thoughtful business men. But Mr. St. John is a far-seeing 
financier as well as a patriot of rare judgment, and in his platform he 
has provided against the possibility of such a panic by the proposed is- 
suance of coin-certificates against deposits of interest-bearing bonds, 
" which would provide for a temporary increase of #300,000,000 of paper 
money against the silver on hand in the Treasury April 1." The opera- 
tion of this demand would make impossible any panic such as has been 
brought upon the country by the gold power more than once in the past 
three decades through contraction in currency ; whereas, on the other hand, 
should the gold power win, a panic of unprecedented extent would be 

This is a distinctly American plank and would bring about a prosperity 
unknown to the present generation, because it would start into operation 
all the stagnant business enterprises which have been growing more and 
more paralyzed since the demonetization of silver and our bowing our 
necks to British rule. But being strictly American, as American as the 
spirit of Washington and Jefferson and Lincoln could desire, and look- 
ing toward the interest of the wealth creators of the Republic, whether 
they be manufacturers, merchants, artisans, or farmers, it is a demand 
that will naturally be bitterly opposed by the Anglo-maniacs and the tools 
of the gamblers of Wall Street and the gold ring generally. 

In the second demand Mr. St. John advocates a tariff which would pro- 
tect our newly established Southern cotton mills from the threatened 
competition of China and Japan, and "the increasing importation of 
long-stapled Egyptian in competition with our Sea Island cotton, and 
the ill effects of the abrogation of the tariff on wool along with the re- 
duction in the tariff on woollen manufactures." Although it is unques- 
tionably true that comparatively few thoughtful Americans, even among 
the manufacturers themselves, would favor the restoration of the tariff of 
the MeKinley Bill which played so large a part in bringing disaster to 
the Republican party, it is doubtless true that a large majority of the 
American people — manufacturers, farmers, and artisans — are opposed 
to English free trade, though perhaps less strongly opposed to that than 
they are to the disastrous British gold monometallism, which is making 
our nation (so immensely rich in natural resources) year by year a 
greater and greater debtor nation, when it should be, year by year, be- 
coming more and more a creditor nation. 

Mr. St. John further provides against the oppression of the artisans 

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and the farmers by demanding not only that labor in the mills, fac- 
tories, and the like receive liberal, continuous, and certain share of pro- 
tection, but also that " the tariff devised shall afford also a protection to the 
farmer and the planter, and provide sufficient revenues for the necessary 
expenditures of government." 

In reference to a reasonably protective tariff, which, as has just been 
pointed out, Mr. St. John explicitly demands should be so framed as to 
extend in its beneficial results to the farmer and the artisan, no less than to 
the manufacturer, it is well to bear in mind this fact : Mexico, probably 
the most prosperous nation of our time, has steadily stood by free and un- 
limited coinage of silver against the combined influence of European civil- 
ization and our own Republic. But she has carefully coupled this un- 
limited coinage of silver with protection, thus preventing her realm from 
being made the dumping-ground for the outputs of gold lands where 
money had been artifically appreciated for the few at the great expense 
of the many, and where in many instances starvation wages are the order 
of the day. Another fact to be borne in mind is the significant keynote 
sounded by Lord Salisbury a few years ago, indicating the policy which 
England undoubtedly intends to follow, provided they can succeed in the 
complete subjugation of the great Republic by the Bank of England ruin- 
ous financial policy, aided by the gold ring of America. In his famous 
declaration Lord Salisbury said that it was fair trade and not free trade 
tliat was wanted. This declaration, though premature, clearly indicated 
the policy which English statesmen have in mind, and which they intend 
to pursue if they can succeed in compassing the complete dependency of 
the great Republic. Her statesmen well know that if they can possibly 
succeed in overthrowing the American patriots who stand for a sound 
American financial policy and the permanent establishment of the gold 
ring of Lombard and Wall Streets in the once glorious and independent 
Republic, our splendid prestige as a leader among the great nations of 
the world will be lost, and what British bullets failed to accomplish 
during the Revolutionary War will be accomplished by British gold, the 
Tory class, and an overawed press, which feared the phantom and the 
threats of those who are aliens in every impulse and instinct to sturdy 
republicanism or true democracy. In this connection I am reminded of 
a recent utterance of the veteran banker and one of the world's great- 
est financial authorities, Jay Cook, in which he stated that " our na- 
tional management for years has been like a people ashamed of what 
comes out of our soil and of the example of our fathers. We have dis- 
countenanced one half the monetary importance of silver, and to that ex- 
tent have weakened our business activities.-' * 

•Mr. Cook, in the interview to which I refer, also made the following significant 
reply to a question put by George Alfred Townsend: 

"What is that volcano you were talking about, Mr. Cook? *• 

" I refer to the rapid manufacturing activity of Japan and China in duplicating 
cotton, metal, and about everything we manufacture in this country. Those people 
are contented, never forget anything when they have once learned it, and they still 
hold to silver coin, which costs 'but one half the* same valuation now In gold. Dou't 
you see that this difference of fifty per cent neutralizes the entire advantage of all 
our tariff legislation, if we should restore it? Tou buy $100 worth of watches in Japan 
for silver worth $60. You sell them In 8an Francisco for gold. Consequently, one 

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Being essentially conservative, in the highest and truest sense of this 
much abused term, Mr. St. John in the third place demands " the appli- 
cation of the principle defined as the Initiative and Referendum to all 
national legislation which involves any radical change in public policy ;" 
pointing out that u the test may commend a broadening of the restriction, 
if found practicable. l Should the great trunk lines of railway become a pos- 
session of the Government f ' would seem to be such a radical change in 
public policy as might wisely be referred to the people/' Personally, I 
should suggest that the principles of the Initiative and Referendum be 
applied not only to national legislation, but to State and municipal. But 
it will be observed that this is covered by the preamble of the platform. 

Finally, after very properly condemning the debauching of legislation 
by patronage to achieve legislation opposed to the will of the people as a 
vicious prostitution of executive influence, Mr. St. John continues : 

44 If all who have become distrustful of old parties and tired of boss 
rule will unite in these demands and nominate, on this platform, some man 
of such achievements as commend him to the conservative element of the 
country, and who is not a seeker after the preferment, he can be elected 
in the approaching campaign to the Presidency of the United States." 

There is one point here which I think calls for serious thought, and 
that is Mr. St. John's reference to the nomination of a man whose 
achievements are such as to u commend him to the conservative elements 
of the country." In my judgment, the main demand by the Republic to- 
day must be for a man from the people ; a man of undoubted honesty and 
integrity; a man essentially of the Abraham Lincoln type — and those 
who are acquainted with history will remember how fiercely that great 
apostle of freedom was condemned, prior to his nomination, by the con- 
servative elements of the country, and how ridicule, abuse, and slander 
were heaped upon him ; how continuously the element popularly termed 
conservative sought to frighten the people by all kinds of declarations in 
regard to Mr. Lincoln. But the people had become thoroughly aroused, 
almost as thoroughly as they are to-day ; they had lost confidence in the 
men whom the pseudo conservatives desired, — for as a matter of fact the 
great rank and file of the wealth creators and not those who exploit their 
wealth are the real conservatives of the nation as they are its real 
strength. They called loudly for a man of the people — honest, tried, 
and true; a man who would uphold the law; a plain man, as democratic 
as Jefferson, as republican in instincts as Washington ; not a man who 
distrusted them as did Alexander Hamilton or the present pseudo demo- 
cratic administration, but a man on whom they could rely. And in my 
judgment the nomination of such a man, especially if he be selected 
from the South or the West, will insure the victory of the people in 

hundred per cent of our tariff protective Is wiped out right away. Can you call men 
statesmen who do a thing like that? " 

Later In the same Interview the veteran practical economist and banker observed : 
" I believe that if we had an honest Supreme Court it would declare that closing 
the mints to silver coinage was unconstitutional. There were thirteen States, or prov- 
inces, or nations, which handed over to the general government the right to coin 
money, and every one of them meant silver to be the material for coinage. The general 
government accepted the constitutional power, and monopoly, in the course of time, 
closet its mint to the producers of sUver.'' 

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spite of the debauching influence of the gold power, the party machines, 
and the political bosses. In the present battle no straddle will win ; the 
dishonest straddles, platitudes, and planks which have deluded the voters 
for the past quarter of a century will delude them no longer. An at- 
tempt to straddle will not only brand the parties which make it and i 
their nominees as cowards, but it will also be regarded as evidence of dis- i 
honest deals on the part of the candidates in question. The hour for 
evasions is past; the battle to be fought this year is to be fought be- 
tween England and America, between prosperity and disaster, which, 
like creeping paralysis, has been coming upon the nation ever since 
the triumph of Britain's gold policy. 

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No. LXXX. 

JULY, 1896. 


Being a Brief Sketch of Henry Clay Caldwell of 
the United States Circuit Court. 


There is probably no position in the United States to 
which a man may be called that will so thoroughly test his 
metal as that of United States circuit judge, before whom 
the railway litigation of the country is brought. The fact 
that the railways bring to their service the best legal talent 
money will secure, backed as they are by all the influence and 
power of wealth, makes it marvellous that a single judge, 
from the sheer love of justice, could bring about such re- 
forms in railway jurisprudence as have been wrought by the 
subject of this sketch within the past twenty years. When 
it is remembered that the abuses and iniquities of the old 
practice were bulwarked by an endless variety of forms of 
procedure and precedent, the task seems herculean. 

So profoundly impressed has the country become by the 
wholesome reforms here inwrought, that a general desire to 
know more of the just judge who wrought them is every- 
where manifest. 

Henry Clay Caldwell is a native of Marshall Gounty, Vir- 
ginia, now West Virginia. He was born on the fourth day 
of September, 1832. His parents, Van and Susan Caldwell, 
were from Scotch-Irish ancestry, and imparted to their son a 
robust nature. 

In 1836 the family moved from Virginia to that part of 
Wisconsin Territory which afterward became the State of 
Iowa. Van Caldwell secured a tract of land on the Des 
Moines River, about seventy miles above Keokuk, where the 


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son was reared amidst the toils, trials, and hardships of fron- 
tier life. The home of our subject was in close proximity to 
the Sac and Fox tribes of Indians, with whose customs, man- 
ners, and language he became familiar. 

Having a keen intellect and a broad comprehension he 
became proficient in what was to be learned from the books 
and schools of the neighborhood, and at the age of seventeen 
he entered the law office of Wright & Knapp of Keosauqua, 
Iowa, as a student at law. So rapid was his progress that 
in his twentieth year he was admitted to the bar, and very 
soon thereafter was taken in as junior member of the firm, 
and at a single bound he took rank as one of the ablest 
young lawyers of the State. 

At the breaking out of the Rebellion he promptly enlisted 
and became major of the Third Iowa Cavalry, and afterward 
its colonel. For untiring zeal and splendid martial bearing at 
the capture of Little Rock, Ark., he was recommended by 
his superior officer, Gen. Davison, for promotion to a larger 

At this juncture, June, 1864, Abraham Lincoln saw the 
importance of the pacification and restoration of civil govern- 
ment in Arkansas, and as a means to this end he appointed 
Col. Henry Clay Caldwell to be judge of the United 
States Court for the District of Arkansas. This was another 
remarkable instance of Mr. Lincoln's ability to choose the 
right man for the accomplishment of desired results. It 
is said by another that " he resolutely kept his court out of 
political entanglement and displayed upon the bench a high 
degree of tact and penetrating common sense. He held the 
scales of justice so evenly that he soon acquired the confi- 
dence of the bar and the public." 

Having occupied the position of district judge in Arkan- 
sas from 1864 to 1890, he was chosen to the higher and 
broader field of circuit judge for the Eighth Circuit of the 
United States Court of Appeals. This circuit comprises the 
States of Minnesota, Iowa, Nebraska, Missouri, Kansas, Col- 
orado, Arkansas, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Wyoming, 
covering nearly one fourth of the entire area of the country. 

The limits of this notice will not permit any specific mention 
of the many remarkable reforms brought about by his rulings 
both as district and circuit judge. 

Notwithstanding the arduous labor incident to his position 
on the bench, he found time to respond to the call of his 

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countrymen at different times upon the living issue of the 
day. The Monticello Fair Association of Arkansas invited 
him to address them upon the subject of " Interest," which 
he did Oct. 14, 1886. The following extracts from that 
address will indicate its character, to wit : 

The capital of this country in money, and lands as well, is rapidly 
centring in the hands of a few persons and corporations in the towns and 
cities. ... 

At the threshold of the discussion it may be well to inquire what 
money is, who created it, and what functions it was created to perform. 

Money as. a measure of value and a legal tender in the payment of debts 
is a creation of the law. It may be of gold, silver, copper, paper, or any 
other substance ; but of whatever substance made, its value as a circulat- 
ing medium and a legal tender in payment of debts is derived from the 
laws of men and not from the laws of nature. 

The Constitution of the United States declares that u the Congress 
shall have power ... to coin money " and " regulate the value thereof." 

The Supreme Court of the United States has decided that Congress has 
power to make money out of paper, and make that paper a legal tender 
in payment of debts. 

Observe, the grant of power to Congress not only includes the power 
to "coin money," but also " to regulate the value thereof." 

The present standard silver dollar is a legal tender in payment of 
debts for one hundred cents on the dollar, and yet until the recent rise 
in silver bullion it contained less than ninety cents 1 worth of silver. The 
material of which a one thousand dollar legal tender note is composed is 
not as valuable as an ounce of cotton or an ear of corn. It derives its 
value from the law, which makes it a legal tender in payment of debts for 
the amount expressed on its face. 

Gold and silver in bullion, or in spoons, plates, or ornaments, is not 
money. In all these shapes gold and silver are mere commodities to be 
bough^ and sold in the market like cotton or any other commodity. It 
must be coined by the government, and its value fixed and stamped upon 
it by law, before it becomes money. 

Money was created to be a circulating medium — a measure of value 
and a legal tender in payment of debts; and it only performs its true 
function when actively employed in settling balances, facilitating 
exchanges and in industrial pursuits. It is a barren thing, it gives birth 
to nothing. Horses and cattle multiply and increase the wealth of the 
country, farms and factories yield their productions, but money is as 
incapable of producing anything as a yard-stick or a half-bushel. 

It may be endowed by law with the power to accumulate— that is, 
to draw interest. But this power is a gift of the law, and may 
be withheld altogether or granted to the extent only that it is found to be 
beneficial to the people. 

To what extent money should be endowed with the power to draw 
interest depends, in a great measure, upon the average profits realized on 
capital invested in agricultural and industrial pursuits. . . . 

To one who stops to think upon the subject the fearful omnipotence 

OF MONET AT INTEREST is Startling. . . . 

The constitution of this State (Arkansas) of 1868 abrogated the 
usury law, and declared any rate of interest lawful. The rate of interest 
increased as long as that constitution was in force, until in 1872 it was 
proved on a trial in the United States District Court at Little Rock that 
the usual rate of interest in that city for loaned money was five per cent 
per month. . . . Labor is not the only thing that "strikes." Capital 
strikes, and its strikes are much more successful and crushing than those 

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of labor. Nothing combines so readily and effectively to advance its 
interests as money; and when the law leaves the regulation of the 
rate of interest to the necessities of the borrower and the avarice of the 
lender, a successful strike for a high rate of interest is the uniform 
result. ... 

One does not have to be gifted with the spirit of prophecy to foretell 
the deplorable consequences of a continued accumulation and concentra- 
tion of capital, derived from the high rates of interest, in the hands of a 
few persons and corporations in the cities. The sober intelligence, cour- 
age, virtue, and patriotism that abide in the homes of the independent 
and prosperous fanners, are what every nation must rely upon for its 
support in peace and defence in war. Neither liberty nor prosperity nor 
virtue will long survive in a State where the husbandman is oppressed 
and impoverished. History teaches an important lesson on this subject. 

Of money-lending corporations he said : 

The stockholders of a corporation may die, but the corporation still 
lives; " men may come and men may go," but the corporation goes on 
forever; its stock changes hands, but the capital of the corporation is 
the property of the corporation, which no stockholder can touch; the 
perpetual accumulation and concentration of capital is in this way 
made secure against death itself. The money and lands it once acquires, 
it may hold forever. Corporations have already acquired in this State 
large tracts of land for speculation, and have also engaged in planting. 
Consider for one moment some of the characteristics of your neighbor, 
when it is a planting corporation. It has no soul, and therefore has no 
use for a minister of the gospel or a church; it has no children, and 
therefore has no use for a Sunday school, school teacher, or schoolhouse ; 
it has no tangible body, and therefore pays no poll tax and does no road 
work ; it never dies, and therefore has no use for a graveyard. A sense 
of moral accountability is essential to the best type of honesty and for 
fair dealing; but your corporation neighbor, having no soul and no con- 
science, has no moral sense. ' By the law of its life it is forbidden to 
recognize any but purely legal obligations. The sole object % of ^8 cre- 
ation is to make money, and a generous or benevolent act would be what 
the lawyers call ultra vires — that is, something outside of the objects 
for which it was created, and therefore illegal. You thus see that every 
essentia] quality of good citizenship is wanting in your planting corpo- 
ration neighbor. Its gains and profits are withdrawn from the jState into 
the cities where its stockholders dweU. . . . 

Whatever difference of opinion there may be as to the policy of 
allowing the unlimited ownership of lands by individuals, I assert, upon 
authority, that no Christian can dispute that God created this earth for 
his children, and not for the godless and soulless artificial creations of 

From an address delivered by Judge Caldwell before the 
Arkansas Bar Association Jan. 7, 1886, I take the following 
extracts : 

The coercive power of the law for the collection of debts is not the 
basis of credit. The foundation of credit by which the commerce of the 
world is carried on is confidence in the honesty, business capacity, and 
probable ability of the debtor to meet his engagements. The richest man 
m Arkansas could not buy, on credit, a bill of goods in St. Louis or New 
York, if it was known that he would not pay except at the end of an 
execution. ... 

The strongest law of man's nature is the primal law of self-preserva- 
tion. Hunger is craving, imperious, and irresistible, and mu6t be satisfied 

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or end in a tragedy. Nothing renders a man so desperate as real hun- 
ger ; and nothing renders him so dangerous to social orders as the knowl- 
edge that his hunger is the result of unjust or oppressive laws. 

To justify the preference shown by the law for the creditor over the 
debtor, it is assumed that all credit is given on the petition of the debtor, 
for his sole accommodation and benefit. Money-lenders who advertise 
for borrowers, and loan them money at usurious rates, and tradesmen 
who insist on selling their wares on credit at prices that yield them 
from twenty-flve to three hundred per cent profit, masquerade before 
the public as natural born eleemosynary corporations engaged in dis- 
pensing bounties with liberal hand to poor debtors. They speak of their 
transactions with their debtors as being, on their part, unselfish and 
disinterested acts of benevolence. 

The pretence is glaringly false. The money-lender is the one who pre- 
fers to cast on others the hazards incident to the investment of capital in 
industrial, productive, and commercial pursuits. He therefore anxiously 
seeks to loan his money at a high rate of interest, and thus absorbs the 
profits, and not unfrequently the capital, of the industrial or commer- 
cial pursuit in which it is invested by the borrower, without himself 
incurring any of the risks which are inseparable from such pursuits. . . . 

The foundation on which the respect for contracts rests is the con- 
viction that they have been fairly entered into and that they are advan- 
tageous to both parties. . . . 

The homestead is not exempted to the debtor for any merit of his 
own. It is given to the family for its protection, and for the protection 
of the State and society. Every home, however humble, safely secured 
to the family, is a block of granite added to the foundation of tjie 

The patriotism, courage, and virtue to preserve the Republic must 
come from the homes of the tranquil masses. The accidental head of 
the family should not, therefore, be allowed to mortgage the family 
homestead, any more than he should be allowed to mortgage the liberty 
or virtue of his wife and children. ... 

A corporation created for the sole purpose of lending money is 
nothing but a concentrated and intensified usurer and miser. The man 
who lends his money and deals honestly with his customers, and resorts 
to no fraudulent or sham devices to evade the usury law, is a respectable 
and usef ul citizen ; the miser even .has a soul, shrivelled and diminutive 
though it be, which may sometimes be filled with generous emotions ; 
but this artificial and magnified money-lender has no soul, no religion, 
and no God but mammon. By the law of its creation it is legally 
incapable of doing anything but lend money for profit; every other 
function is denied it by law; the song of joy and the cry of distress are 
alike unheeded by it ; it neither loves, hates, nor pities ; its chief virtue 
is the absence of all emotion which imparts uniformity and regularity 
to its business methods ; it is argus-eyed and acute of hearing, or blind 
and deaf, accordingly as the one or the other of these conditions will 
best subserve its interests. Though a legal unit, it is infected with all 
the mean and plausible vices of those who act only in bodies, where the 
fear of punishment and sense of shame are diminished by partition ; it 
never toils, but its money works for it by that invisible, sleepless, con- 
suming, and relentless thing called interest. It never dies ; and, unlike 
the man who lends money, has no heirs to scatter its gains ; and in the 
eager and remorseless pursuit of the object of its creation, it turns 
mothers and children out of their homes with the same cold, calm 
satisfaction that it received payment of a loan in "gold coin of the 
present standard of weight and fineness." 

These corporations have agents in the State, whose offices are embel- 
lished with a flaring placard reading, " Money to Loan." Over the door 

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of every such office ought to be inscribed in characters so large that 
none could fail to read, the startling inscription that Dante saw over the 
gates of hell : 

" All hope abandoned, ye who enter here." 

The latest expressions we have from Judge Caldwell upon 
questions of general public interest may be found in his 
"Remarks" before the Greenleaf Law Club, St. Lodis, 
Feb. 20, 1896. 

The subject under consideration was " Railroad Receiver- 

In this discussion the great 'reforms he has brought about 
in railroad jurisprudence were shown. He said : 

At an early day in the history of railroad receiverships the prevailing 
idea was that the principal object of such receiverships was to relieve the 
railroad company from its debts and liabilities incurred in the operation 
of the road, and to have it operated by a court, for whose torts and neg- 
ligence the trust fund would not be liable. Under the early practice a 
railroad receivership was a very desirable thing for the railroad company 
and its bondholders. 

The benefit inuring to the railroad company and its mortgage bond- 
holders from a railroad receivership was the opportunity it afforded to 
escape the payment of all obligations of the company for labor, supplies, 
and materials furnished and used in the construction, repair, and opera- 
tion of the road. Whenever a railroad company became so largely 
indebted for labor, material, and supplies and other liabilities incurred in 
the operation of its road that it could profitably pay the expense inci- 
dent to a receivership and foreclosure, for the sake of getting rid of its 
floating debt it sought the aid of a friendly mortgage bondholder, 
through whose agency it was quickly in the hands of a receiver, and 
immediately a court of equity was asked and expected to do the mean 
things which the company itself was unable or ashamed to do. The 
president of the company was commonly appointed receiver, and the 
work of repudiating its debts was swiftly and effectually accomplished 
through the aid of a court of equity. The floating debt incurred in 
improving and operating the road for* the benefit of the company and its 
security holders was repudiated, and the road formally sold under a 
decree of foreclosure to a new company in name, organized by the 
owners of the stock and ^>onds of the old company. By this process a 
railroad company was enabled to escape the payment of its debts by 
what was little more than a mere change of its name, and often the only 
change made in that was from Rail road Company to Railway Company. 

At the time Judge Caldwell was placed upon the bench 
of the Circuit Court the foregoing practice had been of long 
standing, and of course sustained by numerous precedents. 
In the minds of the Eastern bondholders it was his duty to 
follow the line that had been so well established. It was 
deemed audacious by the grave and learned lawyers from 
Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, for a Western judge 
who had but recently assumed the robes in the Circuit Court 
of Appeals to presume to make a ruling in conflict with 
their "established precedents." 

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It would have been an easy matter for Judge Caldwell, if 
he had been differently constituted, to flout with the current 
and receive the applause of the rich and mighty. 

But he had the courage of a Jackson and the heart of a 
Lincoln, and he said this iniquity must cease. He accord- 
ingly formulated his rules to govern the appointment of 
receiverships. Heretofore no one along the line of a mil- 
road had been permitted to bring suit against a leceiver. 
This rule was rescinded, and a new one adopted for reasons 
given by him as follows : 

The general license to sue the receiver is given because it is desira- 
ble that the right of the citizen to sue in the local State courts on 
the line of the road should be interfered with as little as possible. It is 
doubtless convenient, and a saving and protection to the railroad company 
and its mortgage bondholders, to have the litigation growing out of the 
operation of a long line of railroad concentrated in a single court, and 
on the equity side of that court, where justice is administered without 
the intervention of a. jury. But, in proportion as the railroad and its 
bondholders profit by such an arrangement, the citizen dealing with the 
receiver is subject to inconvenience and expense, and he is deprived of 
the forum and the right of trial by jury, to which in every other case of legal 
cognizance he has the right to appeal for redress. It is not necessary, 
for the accomplishment of the purposes for which receivers of railroads 
are appointed, to impose such burdens and deprivations upon citizens 
dealing with the receiver. And neither the railroad company nor its 
bondholders have any equity to ask it. Where property is in the hands 
of a receiver simply as a custodian, or for sale or distribution, it is proper 
that all persons having claims against it or upon the fund arising from 
Its sale should be required to assert them in the court appointing the 
receiver. But a very different question is presented where the court 
assumes the operation, of a railroad hundreds of miles in length and 
advertises itself to the world as a common carrier. This brings it into 
constant and extensive business relations with the public. Out of the 
thousands of contracts it enters into daily as a common carrier, some are 
broken, and property is damaged and destroyed and passengers injured 
and killed by the negligence and tortious acts of its receiver and his 
agents. In a word, all the liabilities incident to the operation of a rail- 
road are incurred by a court where it engages in that business ; and, 
when they are incurred, why should the citizen be denied the right to 
establish the justice and amount of his demand by the verdict of a jury 
in a court of the country where the cause of action arose and the wit- 
nesses reside? If the road were operated by its owners or its creditors, 
the citizen would have this right ; and when it is operated for their bene- 
fit by a receiver, why should the right be denied? 

It is said that if suits are allowed to be brought in the courts of com- 
mon law the plaintiffs would probably receive more by the verdict of a 
jury than would be awarded to them by the master or chancellor, and 
that to compel the receiver to answer to suits along the entire line of the 
road subjects him to inconvenience and entails additional expense on 
the estate. This is probably true. But why should a court of equity 
deprive the citizen of his constitutional right of trial by jury, and subject 
him to inconvenience and loss, to make money for a railroad corporation 
and its bondholders? If the denial of the right to sue can be rested on 
the ground that it saves money for the corporation and its creditors, why 
not carry the doctrine one degree further, and declare the receiver snail 

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not be liable to the citizen at all for breaches of contract or any act of 
malfeasance or misfeasance in his office as receiver? This would be a 
great saving to the estate. The difference is one of degree and not of 
principle. When a court through its receiver becomes a common carrier, 
and enters the list to compete with other common carriers for the carry- 
ing trade of the country, it ought not to claim or exercise any special 
privileges denied to its competitors and oppressive on the citizens. The 
court appointing a receiver of a railroad, and those interested in the 
property, should be content with the same measure of justice that is 
meted out to all persons and corporations conducting the like business. 
The court appointing a receiver cannot, of course, permit any other juris- 
diction to interfere with its possession of the property, or control its 
administration of the fund ; but, in the case of long lines of railroad, the 
question of the legal liability of its receiver to the demands of the citi- 
zens, growing out of the operation of the road, should be remitted to the 
tribunals that would have jurisdiction if the controversy had arisen 
between the citizen and the railroad company; giving to the citizen the 
option of seeking his redress in such tribunals, or by intervention in 
the court appointing the receiver. 

To still further protect the creditors along the line of the 
railroad, the following is given as a copy of an order he 
recently issued for the appointment of a receiver: 

And it appearing to the court that the defendant company owes 
debts and has incurred liabilities to the residents and citizens of this 
district which the holders thereof could, without any interference with 
the legal or equitable rights of the complainant under the mortgage set 
out in the complaint, collect by proceedings at law from said defendant 
by seizing its rents, income, and earnings, and in other lawful modes, if 
not restrained from so doing by this court, and that it would be inequi- 
table and unjust for the court to deny to said creditors and claimants 
their legal right to collect their several debts and demands by appointing 
a receiver to take and receive the earnings of said road during the 
pendency of this suit, as prayed for in the complainant's bill, without 
providing for the payment of such debts and liabilities : 

It is therefore declared that this order appointing the receiver herein 
is made upon this express condition, namely : that all debts, demands, 
and liabilities due or owing by the defendant company which were 
contracted, accrued, or were accrued in this district, or are due or 
owing to any residents of this district, for ticket and freight balances, or 
for work, labor, materials, machinery, fixtures, and supplies of every kind 
and character done, performed, or furnished in the repair, equipment, 
operation, or extension of said road and its branches in this district, and 
all liabilities incurred by the said defendant company in the transporta- 
tion of freights and passengers, including damages for injuries to 
employees or other persons and to property, which have accrued or upon 
which suit has been brought or was pending or judgment rendered in 
this State, within twelve months last past, and all liabilities of said 
company or persons or corporations who may have become sureties for 
said company on stay or supersedeas bonds or cost bonds, or bonds in 
garnishment or other like proceedings, without regard to the date of said 
bonds, or whether such bonds were furnished in actions or proceedings 
pending in this district or elsewhere, together with all debts and liabili- 
ties which the said receiver may incur in operating said road, including 
claims for injuries to persons and property as aforesaid, are hereby 
declared to be preferential debts, and shall be paid by the receiver as the 
same shall accrue, out of the earnings of the road if practicable, or out of 
any funds in his hands applicable to that purpose, and if not sooner dis- 

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charged, then the same shall be paid out of the proceeds of the sale of 
the said road, which shall not be discharged from the custody of this 
court until said debts and demands are paid. 

The following extract from one of Judge Caldwell's 
decisions will show his attitude as between the corporations 
and the workingmen : * 

The court Is asked to apply to the employees in its service the principles 
of the early statutes, which, by the imposition of heavy pains and penal- 
ties, forced laborers to work at fixed wages, and made it an offence to seek 
to increase them or to quit the service of their employer. The period 
of compulsory personal servitude, save as a punishment for crime, has 
passed in this country. In this country it is not unlawful for employees 
to associate, consult, and confer together with a view to maintain or 
increase their wages, by lawful and peaceful means, any more than it 
was unlawful for the receivers to counsel and confer together for the 
purpose of reducing their wages. A corporation is organized capital; 
it is capital consisting of money and property. Organized labor is 
organized capital ; it is capital consisting of brains and muscle. What 
it is lawful for one to do it is lawful for the other to do. If it is lawful 
for the stockholders and officers of a corporation to associate and confer 
together for the purpose of reducing the wages of its employees, or of 
devising some other means of making their Investment profitable, it is 
equally lawful for organized labor to associate, consult, and confer with 
a view to maintain or increase wages. Both act from the prompting of 
enlightened selfishness, and th* action of both is lawful when no illegal 
or criminal means are used or threatened. 

It is due to the receivers and managers of this property to say that 
they have not questioned the right of the labor organization to appear and 
be heard in court in this matter, and that what they have said about these 
organizations has been in commendation of them and not in disparage- 

Men in all stations and pursuits of life have an undoubted right to 
join together for resisting oppression, or for mutual assistance, improve- 
ment, Instruction, and pecuniary aid in time of sickness and distress. 
Such association commonly takes place between those pursuing the 
same occupation and possessing the same interests. This is particularly 
true of men engaged in the mechanical arts and in all labor pursuits 
where skill and experience are required. The legality and utility of 
these organizations can no longer be questioned. 

Thus has this judge, with a nerve of the right temper 
and a heart in the right place, " established justice " in the 
federal courts of the Eighth Circuit. 

* Extract from Judge Caldwell's opinion in case of Ames vs. Union Pac. Rv. Co., 
62 Fed. Rep., page 14. 

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Evils op the Present System (continued). 

Misgovernment and political corruption are evils to which 
the private telegraph contributes. Long ago the president of 
the Western Union said : 

The franks issued to Government officials constitute nearly a third of 
the total complimentary business. The wires of the Western Union Com- 
pany extend Into 37 States and nine territories within the limits of the 
United States, and into four of the British Provinces. In all of them 
our property is more or less subject to the action of the national, State, 
and municipal authorities, and the judicious use of complimentary franks 
among them has been the means of saving to the company many times the 
money value of the free service performed. 1 

This Is a clear confession of deliberate and systematic and 
successful effort to influence legislation and administration 
through personal favors granted to legislators and public of- 
ficers — in other words, a plain confession of habitual bribery, 
stated not in penitence, but in pride and boastf ulness. One 
who has studied Western Union history is not surprised that 
it should resort to bribery to accomplish its purposes; but that 
it should deem a public statement of its crimes consistent 
with its safety is suggestive of startling inferences concerning 

l Report of 1873. See also Wan. Arg. p. 164 ; Creswell's Rep. 1878, p. 49; Voice, May 
SO, 1895, p. 1, etc. The passage Is constantly cited by writers and speakers dealing 
with the telegraph, because of its astounding nature and implications. I have It on 
the authority of one of the most distinguished members of the United 8tates 8enate 
that ** books of telegraph franks are tendered to every Senator and member of Con. 
gress, and most of them accept the favor." At the very least the situation sug- 
gests, as Judge Clark says, " that members of Congress and Senators having/res tele- 
graphing themselves are not as likely to be Impressed with the iniquity of high rates 
as we who have to pay them, and that the monopoly is alive to the fact that the con. 
tl nuance of their monopoly depends more upon the good will of Congress than upon 
any argument they can make or any reasons they can give." The telegraph franks 
are worth hundreds, yes, In some instances thousands of dollars a year to the favored 
lawmaker. The stoppage of this deadhead bribery would remove one of the great 
obstacles In the path of telegraph reform. A Congress that enjoys the privilege of free 
telegraphy will not be likely to vote down the system that gives them so valuable a 
privilege, In order to exchange It for a system under which they would have to pay 
for all telegrams outside of the Government's business. But pass a law declaring 
the acceptance of telegraph blanks a misdemeanor, and our Senators and Congress- 
men will be able to see the evils of the private telegraph. It would be perfectly right 
to make the acceptance of franks a cause of dismissal from the House or Senate and 


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the company's opinion of the people and their governments 
and its power over them. The telegraph franks are a very 
successful imitation of the political tactics of the railways 
with their free passes and rebates. But the railways have 
sense and conscience enough left to be ashamed of corruption, 
and seek to hide it, instead of openly exulting in it. 

The Western Union does not confine its political efforts to 
the " judicious " issuing of franks. Congressman Charles A. 
Sumner of California when a candidate for re-election to 
Congress was defeated by Western Union influence because 
he had earnestly worked for a postal telegraph. 2 Victor 
Rosewater says that Jay Gould spent $250,000 to defeat 
Wanamaker's postal telegraph. 8 He says further : 

The power which the lobby holds over Congress in such matters is 
proverbial. I saw clearly the hand of the Western Union when I ap- 
peared before the Congressional Committee on Post Offices and Post 
Roads March 18, 1890. There was bat one member of that committee 
who was not already opposed to the postal telegraph, that being Mr. 
Blount of Georgia. The chairman was very plainly working in the in- 
terests of the Western Union. 4 

Mr. Gompers, speaking in 1894 of House Report 2,004, 
Bingham committee, 47-2, said : 

This report of the House Committee, to which I have referred, reads 
really more like an indictment of an organized band or guild of robbers 
in the old feudal days rather than a reference to an organization for the 
purpose of transmitting hurriedly the necessary business of the country. 
I set me quote six lines of the committee's report. " Objection has always 
been made by the Western Union Telegraph Company to the establish- 
ment of a postal telegraph system controlled by the United States Gov- 

forfelture of office. If I employ an agent C to attend to my business with W, 8, 
Z, etc., and C accepts a gift from W which tends to make him swerve from my Inter- 
eats and conduct my business with W with an eye to W's Interests, Instead of being 
wholly loyal to me, such acceptance Is a breach of trust and good cause for revoca- 
tion of the agency and dismissal of C, — that Is law and common sense. If some strong 
Congressman will propose such a bill as we have mentioned respecting the receipt of 
telegraph- franks, and show the matter up In its true light as a perennial mortgage of 
Congress to the Western Union, the bill will become a law, for very few of our repre- 
sentatives will be bold enough to put themselves on record as openly favoring such 
shameless wrong and manifest departure from their duty to the public. 

In 1884 Vice-President John Van Home of the Western Union testified before 
the Hill committee that the business franks Issued in a year would amount to $1,000,- 
000, so that the franks issued to Government officials would amount to $300,000 at 
least, If they bear the same ratio to the total frankage as In 1878. Recent presidents 
have not seen fit to bulletin their corruption funds. The amount of franking in any 
year Is a matter of small Importance compared to the momentous fart that the Western 
Union systematically and successfully relies on this Insidious sort of bribery to in- 
fluence legislation and administration in Its own interests. 

s Henderson Com., 18M. I. T. U. Hearings, p. 66. 

SThe Voice, Aug. », 1806, p. L 

4 Ibid. p. 8. 

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eminent in connection with the post office service of the country, and 
sundry attempts at the establishment of such a postal system have been 
defeated by the interposition of agencies and influences unknown by your 
committee." The inference is appalling. 5 

Prof. Richard T. Ely, discussing the postal telegraph in 
The Arena for December, 1895, page 52, declares that " it 
would remove a great source of political corruption ; a source 
so powerful that it has been claimed that it recently defeated 
the election of a presidential candidate." 

Mr. Sumner of California, in his speech of Feb. 28, 1885 
(page 15), on the floor of the House, charged the Western Union 
with complicity in two efforts to steal the presidency (1876 
and 1884), and said that "Mr. Hueston, the honest man 
connected with the telegraph and news monopoly in New 
York City," would confirm his statements if called to Wash- 
ington to testify. 6 

The private telegraph has used its political power not 
merely to control legislation, defeat distasteful candidates, 
and secure the election of its allies, but is said even to have 
gone so far as to order a confiscation of the property of the 
United States to its own use. Such at least is Victor Rose- 
water's interpretation of the military order of Feb. 27, 
1866, by which 14,211 miles of land line and 178 miles of 
submarine cable established in the South by the Government 
during the war, and worth between 2 and 3 millions, were 
turned over to the telegraph companies. The order was 
issued by Gen. Eckert, then acting Secretary of War and 
general manager of the Western Union. These lines were 
ostensibly given to the companies in compensation for lines 
seized by the. Federal authorities, but Rosewater says that 
these latter lines had been used against the Government with 
as much effect as batteries of artillery and were contraband 
of war, not subject to compensation any more than horses, 
wagons, guns, and ammunition in use by the enemy and 
seized by our armies. I do not know the inner facts of the 
transaction well enough to judge of its motive. 7 

« I. T. U. Hearings, p. 10. 

« Mr. Sumner said that " Mr. Hueston would testify to the shameless efforts of Jay 
Gould and others to misrepresent and misreport and otherwise give aid and comfort 
to a diabolical scheme for changing the true count of the ballots in the Empire State," 
which was the key of the whole election. 

T On general principles an effort to indemnify individuals against overwhelming 
losses thrown on them by war Is commendable. The burdens of war should be dis- 
tributed and should not fall with crushing weight on any Individual or group. 
Whether Gen. Eckert really acted on this principle, honestly and consistently ap- 

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It is not surprising to find that the telegraph giant has 
fastened his grip on the throat of honest government. The 
telegraph is managed by the same class of men, and to a 
large extent the same individuals, who manage the railroads 
and colossal trusts. They are in the habit of buying leg- 
islatures and congresses in the interests of railways, 
sugar, oil, whiskey, etc., and it is perfectly natural that they 
should adopt the same policy in respect to the telegraph. 
The leaders and rulers among them are Wall Street gamblers 
and manipulators, and fraud is as natural to such men as 
water to a duck, stealth to a tiger, or an ambush to Indians 
on the war-path. P intrusts his affairs to C ; W pats C 
on the back, treats him with great consideration, does him 
many favors, and finally suggests that C shall deed the 
rights and properties of P to W in consideration of past 
obligations and of W's promise to share with C the proceeds 
of the transfer. C yields to the tempting prospect and to 
the pressure arising from the fact that little by little he has 
already been led to act in such a way that W could ruin 
him by exposure, — the deed is made, W and C grow 
rich and P grows poor. P stands for the people, C for 
Congress or Legislature, and W for Wall Street, Western 
Union, wealth on the war-path. Money, lands, bonds, and 
franchises belonging to the people are transfened by their 
agents without consideration so far as the people are con- 
cerned, and the agents and transferees grow rich while the 
people grow poor. The people cannot have their rights 
because they do not elect enough men who had rather act 
honestly and justly than to share directly or indirectly in the 
proceeds of a steal. Seventy millions of people cannot have 
a postal telegraph to render them cheap and efficient ser- 
vice, because it would interfere with the profits of 3,500 
stockholders whose agents are cunning enough to take 
the agents of the people into partnership — if the agents 
of the people were to vote a postal telegraph they would 
vote to destroy profits in wliich they themselves participate. 

The twelfth evil that characterizes our present telegraphic 
system is the dangerous concentration of power and wealth in 

plied so far as he could to all persons who had met with crushing losses, or merely 
used the plea of compensation In this instance as a cloak for an order securing 
special benefits for the telegraph interests with which he was connected, I am un- 
able to determine from the testimony before me. (Bingham Com., Rosew. 2-3.) 

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the hands of a few irresponsible persons. Speaking of the 
fact that the Western Union in its compact with the news- 
papers had reserved to itself the exclusive right of furnish- 
ing commercial and financial news to individuals and associa- 
tions, the Hill committee said : 

For the purpose of giving fabulous fortunes to its inside managers 
and their friends, the Western Union need not send untrue market quota- 
tions. It has only to give the true quotations a single hour, or less than 
that, in advance to those whom it means to favor, and the work is effect- 
ually accomplished. No such power should be allowed to exist in this 
country ; the temptation to abuse it is enormous, and will, sooner or later, 
prove to be irresistible. 8 

The committee continues : 

The Western Union collects the market news every morning in London 
and Paris, and sends it to New York, whence it is distributed to every 
mart and hamlet throughout the length and breadth of this land. A 
fraction of a penny on a pound of cotton is a fortune to any man. They 
admit no partnership in this part of their business. They tolerate no 
rival, no control in the supply of market reports to every part of this 
country. It is a power too important, too vast, to be intrusted to any cor- 
poration, to any set of men. 

The telegraph company can raise or reduce the rates. Its control over 
the press is therefore absolute. It has the power of life and death, for 
the telegraphic news is the vital breath of the daily newspaper. Such a 
power cannot exist without its exerting a pernicious influence upon pub- 
lic affairs, and every observant public man has long perceived the demor- 
alizing influence of this powerful but subtle agency. 

Some years ago the following despatch was received on 
'Change in Chicago, purporting to come from San Francisco: 

North winds for past three days damaged wheat greatly. Prospects 
indicate about one third crop of this State. Market strong. 

This despatch put.up the price of wheat nearly three cents 
in the face of lower markets in Liverpool and New York. It 
is scarcely worth while to inquire what grounds there were 
for the sending of such a despatch. All seemed to disbelieve 
it, thinking the north wind no worse than the east or any 
other wind ; but the market went up notwithstanding, and 

8 Sen. Rep. 577, p. 18. In reply to a question whether Inaccurate reports might not 
be sent oyer Government wires, Gardiner G. Hubbard said, " Yes, but there would not 
be this ability of persons owning the lines to confine information to A and B for 2 or 
8 hours. GIto me the advantage of a couple of hours oyer other people, and I can 
make a fortune every hour In the day." (I. T. U. Hearings, 1894, p. 27.) It Is true 
that inaccurate reports might be sent over Government wires, but the temptation 
would be small, because their accuracy could be so easily and rapidly tested, and the 
author of a false rei>ort would lose future credit with small chance of present gain. 
It is the ability to discriminate —to send a false report and delay or color the mes- 
sages sent to test it and the replies to them— to keep a true report from the public a 
little while after the masters receive It— it is this power of discrimination that gives 
the owners of a private telegraph their tremendous advantage in the market. 

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thousands of dollars were gained or lost through this tele- 
gram. The reasons for sending it were extensively canvassed 
on 'Change, and the cry which has been so often raised in the 
past was repeated, "that the ostensible manager of the tele- 
graphic system through which this despatch came is a speculator 
in grain and uses the wires to sway the market up or down, as 
best suits his own ends." 9 
John Wanamaker says : 

The Western Union is controlled by an executive committee of 3 or 
4 men sitting in their offices in New York. Its wires run all over the 
country, extending by their connections into every part of the globe. 
This company controls the market price of each article that is dealt in in 
every mart in this country. It controls to a greater or less extent aU the 
news, social, political, and general, that is sent over its wires, and every 
important personal telegraphic communication. This corporation is un- 
controlled hy any law save the interests of its directors. 10 

The concentration of power does not always stop with a 
group of three or four of the heaviest stockholders or leading 
officers, — the absolute control of the entire Western Union 
system has been and may easily be again centred in a single 

In 1884 Chairman Hill of the Senate Committee on Post 
Offices and Post Roads said : 

It is a well-known fact that one man of those 2,900 stockholders 
owns more than half the stock of the Western Union. 11 

The National Board of Trade said in 1882 : 

This great system of the Western Union, as well as the ocean cables 
connecting us with the rest of the world, are now virtually controlled by 
one man, and this individual whose name has become a synonym for 
unscrupulousness and rapacity in common with a few others of similar 
character, now aims at and has largely succeeded in controlling the 
channels of intelligence, of thought, and of commerce in a nation of 
50 millions of people. ,f 

The report quotes United States Senator Windom as 

The channels of thought and of commerce thus owned and controlled 
by one man or by a few men, what is to restrain corporate power or fix a 
limit to its exactions upon the people? What is there to hinder these 
men from depressing or inflating the value of all kinds of property to 
suit their caprice or avarice, and thereby gathering into their own coffers 
the wealth of the nation? 13 

•House Rep. 114, p. 11. 
10 Wanamakefs Arg. p. 4. 
n Sen. Rep. 577, Part II. p. 68. 
is Report of Not. 1ft, 1882, p. 11. 

is ibid. Windom's words are also quoted In I. T. U. Hearings, p. 68, by Hon. John 

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The Manufacturer in its issue of April 1, 1890, remarked 

The strongest argument for the transfer of this business to the post 
office is that it is now wholly within the control of one man. This individ- 
ual possesses the power to inform himself of the nature of any intelligence 
transmitted over the wires, whether it refers to business, to family mat- 
ters, or to politics. He also has the press of the country at his mercy. 
No daily newspaper could conduct its business if it should be denied press 
rates for its despatches while its rivals were accorded that favor. 

Such a magnate holds the good name of every candidate and public 
man in the hollow of his hand. " The reputation of the ablest and pur- 
est public man may be fatally tainted in ever" town and village on the 
continent by a midnight despatch." u 

The Ramsey committee says : 

The power of inspecting the correspondence of the nation, of affecting 
the markets of the country, of influencing public opinion and action in 
any important crisis, is possessed by those who control the telegraph. 16 

I have seen a presidential convention so completely de- 
moralized by a telegram that the man who had the despatch 
dethroned the chairman and temporarily captured the con- 

On page 5 the report last cited quotes the New York Trib- 
une as saying that the man who controls the telegraph (as 
Jay Gould did and as another equally dangerous man may 
come to do at any time) is " enabled to speculate on the 
prices of our leading staples in every market of the world. 
It will make him master of the press, for the press depends 
upon the telegraph, and enable him, if unscrupulous, to give 
to the news of the day such a color as he chooses, and thus 
fatally to pollute the very fountain of public opinion." Ie 

Jay Gould is reported to have said that he had rather be 
president of the Western Union than President of the United 
States, and no wonder — the bond-issue-gold-reserve trick had 
not been discovered in his day and the chief executive's 
powers, except in time of war, and his chances at any time 
of fleecing the people to line his own pocket were insig- 
nificant compared to those enjoyed by the Czar of the Tele- 

H 8en. Rep. 677, Part II. p 6ft. 

U Sen. Rep. 242, 42-3, p. 4. 

16 During the Wanamaker Investigation of the Postal Telegraph, the misleading 
testimony of Dr. Norvln Green, president of the Western Union, was telegraphed 
with all its errors and sophistries free of telegraph toll to all the newspapers of the 
New York Associated Press, and It was quite generally published in full. The facts 
and arguments adduced In favor of a postal telegraph had to pay for transmission 
»nd did not get anything like so full a publication, (Wanamajier's Arg. p. 140.) 

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Even in respect to filling offices the power of the Wall 
Street king is very great. Richard J. Hinton, a noted jour- 
nalist, testifying before the Blair committee, said, "I think 
Jay Gould has more power to elect members of Congress 
than the President and the whole of his cabinet." 17 

The American people would be indignant if any one 
should charge them with favoring royalty, creating and sus- 
taining dukes, marquises, lords, and earls, or meekly submit- 
ting to titled aristocrats of any grade. There would be a 
revolution if Congress should confer the title of lord, or 
duke, or earl, on Vanderbilt, Gould, Rockefeller, Morgan, 
Sage, etc. Lord Gould, Lord Rockefeller, Duke Morgan, 
and the rest would soon find the country too warm for their 
habitation. Yet the essence of royalty and aristocracy is not 
in the title but in the overgrown power which one man pos- 
sesses over his fellows. The board of directors of the Western 
Union is as truly a body of aristocrats as the lords and dukes 
of England. A Congress that grants railroad, telegraph, and 
banking privileges to private individuals, establishes a far 
more powerful and therefore more dangerous aristocracy 
than any that could possibly be created by the mere bestowal 
of titles of nobility. 

At the very start far-sighted statesmen clearly saw the 
danger of leaving the telegraph to private control. Post- 
master-General Cave Johnson said in 1845-6: "In the 
hands of individuals or associations the telegraph may become 
the most potent instrument the world ever knew to effect 
sudden and large speculations — to rob the many of their just 
advantages, and concentrate them upon the few. If per- 
mitted by the Government to be thus held, the public can 
have no security that it will not be wielded for their injury 
rather than their benefit. ... Its value in all commercial 
transactions to individuals having the control of it cannot be 
estimated." It is not an accident that the board of directors 
of the Western Union is a board of millionnaires and poly- 
millionnaires — the bees know where to look for honey. 

Postmaster-General Creswell speaks of the " abuse of the 
wires for personal ends by business men controlling them, 
and the vast and irresponsible influence of telegraphic man- 
agers over the press of the country." 

Postmaster-General Howe, after speaking of the wastes and 
extortions incident to a private telegraph, continues : 

17 Blair Com. Vol. II. p. 409. 

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But a stronger reason still why the Government should control the 
telegraph is found in the fact that it is as potent for evil as for good. 
Like Government itself it is too terrible to be wielded by other than rep- 
resentatives of the whole people. In the great commercial centres, pub- 
lic stocks, corporate and mining stocks, bonds, and the staple products of 
agriculture are bought and sola daily to the amount of thousands of mill- 
ions. In all these markets one great telegraph company wags its tongue 
incessantly. For all these commodities it is the arbiter of prices. Prices 
go up and down according to its inculcations. Whoever controls its utter- 
ances may at pleasure buoy a market in which he wishes to sell, or break 
one in which he wishes to buy. That is an agency much too dreadful to 
intrust to private hands. I am far from asserting that a use so malign 
has ever been made of this agency. I speak of its capabilities, not of Its 
history. Knowing that it can be so abused, »t seems to be the dictate of 
prudence not to wait till it is so abused. It is manifest that even when 
the Government controls the telegraph a falsehood which may sink a 
stock or float it may still be sent over the wires. But truth will have 
equal freedom on the lines. In Government hands the telegraph will 
maintain an exact neutrality between the two fierce parties which, day by 
day and year by year, contend for supremacy in the markets. In private 
hands it may become the mere creature, as malignant as mighty, of that 
party which its owner from time to time chooses to join. If he choose, 
he may give free course to falsehood, and if he choose, he may imprison 
the truth. Who else can trade in a market dominated by such a power? 

Congressman Gibson says : 

The dangers and possibilities of evil resulting from private ownership 
of all the telegraph lines in the United States are appalling when con- 
sidered in connection with times of financial, social, or political peril. 
No private corporation should have the power to pollute, pervert, or 
destroy the streams of information on which our people must depend and 
our Government act. The postal telegraph is necessary to the national 
welfare. A country that allows private ownership of all its telegraph 
lines is criminally indifferent to the machinations of fraud, the devices of 
selfishness, and the possibilities of prejudice, and wilfully tempts fate 
to strike in the crisis of danger. 18 

Henry Clay made the danger of private ownership an 
emphatic part of his splendid plea for a National Telegraph 
in 1844. He said : 

It is quite manifest that the telegraph is destined to exert great 
influence on the business affairs of society. In the hands of private 
individuals they will be able to monopolize intelligence and to perform 
the greatest operations in commerce and other departments of business. 
I think such an engine should be exclusively under the control of the 
Government, 19 

Such is a part of the overwhelming testimony to the fact 
that our private telegraph is a gross disturber of the fair 
distribution of wealth and power. It is one of the big clubs 
that our modern bandits use to compel the people to give up 
their money. The great robbers of to-day are not satisfied 
with the capture of one or two travellers now and then on 

w Letter In the Voice, June 13, 1895. 

19 Quoted by Postmaster-General Wanamaker, 1892, Rep. p. 27. 

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the lonely highway, — our broadcloth bandits must capture 
the nation en masse, — they want the world and they know how 
to get it. They have taken the law-makers into partnership 
and had their methods legalized, and called them " right " 
so long that they have actually persuaded themselves that 
they are not robbers at' all, but "enterprising citizens," and 
so they are able without a pang to use the railroads, tele- 
graphs, banks, and trusts to fleece ten millions or a hundred 
millions of people at once, just as their ignorant, uncivilized, 
unevolved predecessors used a club or a gun to fleece two 
or three unfortunates. And the farmers and working people 
generally will have to keep on handing over their surplus 
wealth to the cunning schemers, until they (the workers) 
get sense enough to elect men who know what justice is and 
can remember the cardinal principles of virtue long enough 
after election to declare robbery to be robbery whether it be 
perpetrated with a six-shooter in a dark alley, or with a 
telegraph, a railroad, a bank, a bond scheme, or a trust in 
Wall Street, — and to take the telegraph and the rest of their 
weapons away from the broadcloth bandits and imprison them 
in just legislation at honest and useful labor, — the fortress 
of fraud could be carried if we could even elect men who 
would do no more than give us the Initiative and Referendum, — 
we can do the rest for ourselves if once we can get the right 
to vote on the law directly whenever our " representatives " 
do not represent us. 

(To be continued.^) 

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"Comb in consumption's ghastly form" are the words 
our children are taught to recite at school before they are 
able to understand the real meaning of the scourge which 
carries off to an untimely grave so many of the brightest 
and best of New England's youth. It requires only a glance 
at the Registration Report of Massachusetts for the year 
1891 to convince us of the terrible mortality from consump- 
tion in the old Bay State. 

The number of deaths registered in 1890 from this, the most 
prominent cause of death in the list of diseases, was 5,791, of which 
number 2,717 were males and 3,074 females. The actual number of 
deaths from this cause was 210 greater than that of 1889, 63 more 
than that of 1888, and 80 less than that of 1887. The ratio of deaths 
to the total mortality was 13.30, which was less than that of 1889, 
and was also the least of any year yet recorded. 

We see by these statistical reports that this scourge of 
consumption is worthy of our most serious attention. The 
enthusiasm which welcomed the promises held out by the 
treatment inaugurated by Koch indicated very clearly how 
widespread is the suffering caused by consumption. There 
is hardly a home where we cannot find the traces of its cruel 
influence ; some relative or friend has succumbed, or is an 
invalid, on account of it. If consumptives are proverbially 
hopeful, the relatives and friends are also eager to provide 
every means possible to mitigate the action of the disease. 
Every climate is investigated, every possible health resort 
visited, and thousands of dollars wasted on patent medicines 
promising relief. Consumption is, generally speaking, a 
preventable disease, and is, without doubt, to be attributed, 
in most cases, to the neglect of the laws of hygiene. Its 
origin is to be sought for in weakened constitutions; in 
homes where sanitary conditions are more or less wanting; 
in habits which prevent the necessary amount of exercise 
required for the proper expansion of the chest. It is found 


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in homes containing air more or less vitiated, instead of the 
pure air abounding with the ingredients necessary for health 
and life. It depends largely upon improper food and cloth- 
ing, and is frequent in unhealthy homes deprived of needed 
sunlight, and poisoned with damp and musty atmosphere 
unfit for people to breathe. It is found in those whose 
habits are sedentary, and in those exposed to raw and chilly 
winds whose circulation is not strong enough to react. 
Sanitary science has diminished very largely, within the 
past twenty-five years the mortality from what used to 
be the terrible scourge of consumption; but the science of 
climatology is needed quite as much in effecting a last- 
ing cure. The climate cure is the only rational hope the 
consumptive has to-day. The wisdom of our best medical 
advisers, the most perfectly built and equipped sanitariums 
in regions where consumption is always present, can never 
equal the advantages to be derived from a residence in a 
climate suitable for the treatment of consumption. If the 
science of climatology had been recognized earlier in the 
history of medicine as one of the most important studies, it 
would have kept pace with other departments of medicine, 
where most thorough and careful attention and investigation 
have been rewarded with brilliant and oftentimes wonderful 
success. Therapeutics, surgery, ophthalmology, gynecology, 
and many other departments are considered of practical 
importance ; but the study of climate is too often thought to 
be only interesting for fashionable invalids, or as a "dernier 
rSsort " for patients who are hopelessly diseased. Physicians 
sent away their patients suffering from diseases of the lungs 
on long journeys, and invariably to places where personal 
knowledge could have had little to do with the selection. 
Even at the present time these invalids are sent to Florida, 
to the shores of the Mediterranean, to Italy, to the Alps, to 
Southern California, and to many other places where a 
permanent cure is well-nigh impossible, and, worse than this, 
where despair and death are the only rewards for the diffi- 
culties and the expense of the fruitless undertaking. With 
all the light which patient research has yielded, medical men 
still persist in recommending these places of which they have 
so often absolutely no personal information. These unfortu- 
nate patients, in the eager longing for health, leave home 
and friends and comfortable care, only to attain bitter disap- 

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198 THE ARENA. . 

pointment. With many of these invalids it is a desperate 
move — perhaps a last chance. If the climate does not prove 
beneficial, then they must die there, for they cannot return 
home. Perchance all the means available for travel have 
been expended in reaching the health resort. There is no 
money left for the return trip ; and oftentimes the physical 
resources have been exhausted, as well as the money, by the 
long journey. The physical forces of the patient have been 
sustained by the hope for a cure. . What a responsibility the 
physician has assumed who has sent his patient away from 
home without the due consideration and personal investiga- 
tion so requisite when giving an opinion as a climatologist! 
It is not reasonable for physicians to recommend localities 
they have not visited and carefully investigated. If the 
profession of medicine is threatened with serious and lasting 
injury from the great number of specialists who now appear 
even in our smaller towns, it is equally true that the special- 
ist devoting his time to the science of climatology has a right 
to exist, and will prove a valuable member of the body medi- 
cal. At present we expect our specialists in diseases of the 
air passages to be expert in climatology. Success in this 
study must depend largely upon the attention to what may 
seem minor and unimportant details. In sending a patient 
to any given place, we must know beforehand what he will 
find, when he arrives, to insure his comfort and protection. 
It does not suffice to send a patient to a health resort. The 
careful medical adviser follows him every mile of his journey, 
and sees to it that he is provided with comfortable quarters, 
sunny and dry ; that he has suitable clothing ; that he can 
obtain wholesome food, and that systematic bodily and 
mental exercise can be enjoyed. Hygiene and climatology 
are therefore inseparably united for the best interests of our 
patients. We can hope for little if one or the other is 
absent in the effort made to effect a cure. With all the 
advice we can offer, many of our patients cannot or will 
not attend to our directions, and guard against the dangers 
we are so willing to warn them against. It depends very 
much upon a man's bringing up as to his chances for getting 
well. There can be no longer any doubt that the only 
rational cure for consumption is the climate cure. We hear 
of the home treatment of consumption, of sanitariums near 
our Eastern cities, of rooms provided with an artificial tem- 

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perature supposed to be healing, of cabinets containing 
specially prepared vapors, of cylinders containing more or 
less of oxygen for inhalation, of sub-cutaneous injections like 
that of Koch's, of positive cures in the shape of remedies in 
smaller or larger bottles ; but the result with all of them is 
the same — failure to cure the disease. There may be some 
transitory benefit from some of these treatments, but the best 
of them are only palliative. We have no right to make our 
patient or his friend believe that he is deriving special 
benefit from such treatment as a means of ultimate cure. 
Neither is it possible for chemical science to manufacture an 
atmosphere in any sense the equal of that found in our 
Western Health Section ; and even if it were, contact with it 
could be but temporary, for, after leaving the rooms contain- 
ing it, the invalid must return through the damp and chilly 
streets to the conditions previously existing in the home. It 
may be considered very unwise to remove an invalid from 
home at all, and especially so when there is no reason to 
doubt that consumption has already fully developed itself. 
It may seem not only cruel to the patient, but unfair to tax 
the anxieties and resources of friends in making the change. 
The cost is undoubtedly heavy, but the prize is often life. 
To stay at home in the East and have the frequent call of the 
doctor is a poor makeshift for rational treatment. What 
does such a course amount to? At most, to encourage, to 
hold out false hopes, possibly to benefit, or to make dying 
easier, but not to cure. If it be banishment to live in New 
Mexico or Colorado, certainly that is better than death at 
home in the Eastern or Middle States. A useful occupation 
and the pursuit of out-of-door pleasure, either for man or 
woman, is better than the imprisoned life in an Eastern 
home, useless to all, and oftentimes a care and expense to 
those who love us best. The Western Health Section is 
large enough to hold all the consumptives the East contains, 
and to cure hundreds, who are to-day treading the downward 
path of despair. 

We can readily see from the foregoing how many diffi- 
culties beset us in our efforts for the welfare, comfort, and 
cure of our consumptive patients. If we send them to for- 
eign lands, we break up their association with home, subject 
them to a long and wearisome journey, expose them to the 
annoyances which invalids seldom fail to encounter among 

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strangers, and finally land them among inhospitable for- 
eigners, who care for little else than what it is possible to 
obtain from their purses. The hoped-for improvement does 
not result ; indeed, the patient may get worse. Any one who 
has witnessed the sufferings in foreign lands of American 
families which death has invaded, will hesitate a long time be- 
fore exposing any one to the risk of such hardship. The 
English people have long ago found this out. Dr. Arthur 
Hill Hassall, the founder of the Royal National Hospital for 
consumption in England, recognized this truth in his efforts 
to mitigate the sufferings of this unfortunate class of patients. 
Consumption is the most prevalent and fatal of the maladies 
to which Englishmen are exposed. According to the returns 
of the register-general's office for the year 1887, forty-four 
thousand nine hundred and thirty-five deaths occurred in 
England and Wales from phthisis. Notwithstanding that 
consumption is the most frequent and fatal of diseases, even 
in England, less has been done to provide for the necessities, 
and to alleviate the sufferings of those laboring under it 
than from any other disease. " Owing to their protracted 
nature, and the consequent expense entailed, cases of con- 
sumption are, to a large extent, excluded from the general 

The climate of England, very much like that of our New 
England States in this respect, is favorable for the develop- 
ment of diseases of the chest ; but there is one section knowjn 
as the Under-cliff Region of the Isle of Wight, which is 
peculiarly suited for the successful treatment of consump- 
tion. It is not, however, equal to our Western Health Sec- 
tion for affording a positive cure. The Under-cliff Region 
of the Isle of Wight is unique. It rises above the ocean, its 
bright southern exposure bathed continually in the warm 
sunlight, and the atmosphere is filled with the health-giving 
properties of the sea. Rising behind it for a thousand feet 
are the massive " downs, " which protect it perfectly from the 
bitter north winds. Here in this favored region, where out- 
of-door life can be constantly enjoyed, where the scenery is of 
surpassing loveliness, and where all the luxuries and pleas- 
ures of life can be obtained, Dr. Hassall founded the noble 
institution which has since its foundation been " the means, 
by God's blessing, not only of affording relief and comfort to, 
but also of saving, the lives of many of the deserving poor. 

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The hospital is erected upon the separate principle ; that is 
to say, each patient is supplied with a separate bedroom. 
Thus the patients are distributed through a series of ten 
blocks of houses, situated in a locality well sheltered from 
unfavorable winds, the houses being designed in harmony 
with the surrounding scenery, constructed upon sound sani- 
tary principles, and surrounded by gardens. In these houses 
the patients enjoy the advantages of large sitting and sepa- 
rate sleeping rooms, of a lovely landscape and sea view, of 
plenty of light and sea air, of effective ventilation and good 
drainage, and, as far as possible, of a regulated temperature. 
They morever experience all the comforts and conveniences 
of home in place of being congregated in wards in one large 
building, and subject, in consequence, to many depressing and 
injurious influences. The results achieved have been most 

" The hospital, as at present open, comprises twenty houses 
in ten blocks, with accommodation for one hundred and 
thirty-two men and women patients, and there is a chapel in 
the centre, the whole being connected by a spacious subway. 

"Nearly nine thousand in-patients have already received 
the benefits of the institution (besides those who have been 
treated as out-patients), many of whom have been enabled to 
resume their occupations after leaving the institution. 

44 Sixteen of the houses have been erected by private friends, 
and they form so many separate and complete hospitals. 
Each house bears a distinct name, usually that of the donor 
or some relative whose name is associated therewith 'in 
memoriam. , " — Report of the Royal National Hospital for 
Consumptives^ Ventnor, Isle of Wight^ 1889. 

With consumption so prevalent in the United States, is 
there nothing our government can do to mitigate the terrors 
of this disease? Is there any reason why we should not 
have a national sanitarium for consumptives? There are 
certainly many reasons why we should have such a humane 
institution, and it is the purpose of this paper to call atten- 
tion to some of them at least ! In the first place consumption 
is sufficiently prevalent and so disastrously fatal that it would 
seem to be a question of national importance. Indeed, it is 
one worthy of the consideration of our government, and 
one which has already been brought forward — first in the 
House of Representatives by General Cogswell of Massachu- 

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setts, in February 1891, and later by Senator Gallinger of 
New Hampshire, March 22, 1892. 
The first bill read as follows : — 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States in Congress Assembled * 

Section 1. That the establishment of a national sanitarium for 
the treatment of consumption be an' 1 hereby is authorized. 

Sect. 2. That the president of the United States be and hereby is 
authorized to appoint a committee of three or more physicians to 
visit New Mexico and Colorado, to select a suitable site for a sani- 
tarium for the treatment of consumption. 

Sect. 3. That the travelling expenses and transportation, together 
with a reasonable "per diem" payment for services of committee, 
be provided by the government. 

Sect. 4. That the committee so appointed present, within six 
months after their appointment, to the president of the United States 
a report concerning the best location for such a sanitarium. 

Sect. 5. That the secretary of war be and hereby is authorized to 
furnish said committee a list of abandoned military stations in New 
Mexico and Colorado, and that one of these stations may be selected 
by the committee for the location of the national sanitarium. 

Sect. 6. That the sum of fifty thousand dollars be and hereby is 
appropriated for the repair and maintenance of such a military sta- 
tion, to be used as a national sanitarium. 

Sect. 7. That this act take effect immediately after its passage. 

In preparing this bill for presentation, the writer had lit- 
tle or no experience in such matters ; he only knew that a 
national sanitarium for consumptives was and is urgently- 
needed, and that more than one of the abandoned military 
posts would be admirably suited for the purpose. These 
posts or " forts " consist of several separate buildings of dif- 
ferent sizes, the larger having served as barracks for the 
soldiers, the smaller for officers and their families. These 
are usually grouped around or about a large square reserved 
as a parade ground. They have generally been well built, 
and have cost the government large sums of money. Their 
separate and convenient arrangements make them especially 
suitable for the purposes of a sanitarium on the cottage plan. 
Thirty or forty thousand dollars would provide for the main- 
tenance of about two hundred patients and pay the salaries of 
the attendants for one year. This amount of time would be 
sufficient to demonstrate the value of the experiment. Where 
the need for such an institution is so urgent and where the 
posts are abandoned and falling into decay from disuse, it 
seems greatly to l)e regretted that the government cannot 

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make them serve the purpose of a national charity. Large 
two or three story buildings are not so desirable as the scat- 
tered quarters already referred to. The military buildings 
would be convenient and much more healthy, and could be 
economically brought into practical use. 

The following is the text of the joint resolution : — 


Providing for the appointment of a commission to select a site for 
the establishment of a national sanitarium for the treatment 
of pulmonary diseases. 

Besolved by the Senate and House of Representative* of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled. That the president of the 
United States shall appoint a commission consisting of three persons, 
two of whom shall be physicians, whose duty it shall be to select a 
site, and make report thereon to the president, for the establishment 
of a national sanitarium for the treatment of pulmonary diseases, 
said location to be in some one of the territories of the United States, 
and upon such of the public lands as may be unoccupied. 

Sect. 2. That the commission so appointed shall, within six 
months after their appointment, report to the president of the United 
States where, in their best judgment, is the proper place to establish* 
said sanitarium, together with the boundaries of the land whereon to 
establish the same, and also rules and regulations suited for the 
government of the same. 

Sect. 3. That upon the receipt of such report the president shall 
by proclamation withdraw the lands described in said report from 
sale, and from pre-emption, homestead, or other entry or sale, and 
shall reserve the same for the purposes of said sanitarium. 

Sect. 4. That the surveyors-general of the several territories 
shall, under the direction of the secretary of the interior, make such 
surveys and render such assistance to said commission as the said 
commission may desire. 

Sect. 5. That the travelling expenses, fares, and other expenses 
incident to the selecting and reporting upon such site shall be paid 
out of the Treasury of the United States, upon vouchers properly 
certified, and the said commissioners shall each be paid ten dollars 
per day for each and every day they shall be actually employed on 
such duty. 

Sect. 6. That fifteen thousand dollars, or so much thereof as 
may be necessary, is hereby appropriated out of any money in the 
Treasury not otherwise appropriated, for the payment of said com- 
mission, their expenses, fares, clerk hire, and all other matters 
connected with or growing out of the selecting and reporting 
said site. 

The bill introduced by General Cogswell provides for the 
occupancy of one of the abandoned military posts — of which 
Forts Lyon, Colorado, Union and Selden, New Mexico, are 

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the most suitable. The twenty thousand dollars asked for 
to pay the expenses of a travelling commission would very 
nearly maintain Fort Union as a sanitarium for a year ; and 
as the buildings of the post so recently abandoned would 
require only moderate outlay for repair, and could be at once 
brought into use, it would seem that that locality would be 
the most desirable. 

It will be seen from the foregoing that the necessity for a 
national sanitarium has been recognized, and powerful agen- 
cies have been set in motion to bring about. the desired 
action. Another reason why we should have such an insti- 
tution is because we have, in what is known as our Western 
Health Section, a climate wonderfully suitable for the cure 
of consumption. It is doubtful if anywhere else a more per- 
fectly aseptic atmosphere exists than in this health section 
which is contained in New Mexico, Southeastern Colorado, 
Western Kansas, and that portion of Texas known as the 
Panhandle. It is simply wonderful in its curative action on 
weak or diseased lungs. I have witnessed this repeatedly, 
and there are very many people leading useful, active lives 
in this section to-day who had been given up as incurable in 
the Eastern, Middle, or Western, or Southern States years 
and years ago. The writer visited these general health re- 
sorts as early as 1867 — riding on horseback from Fort 
Riley, Kan., to Fort Cummings, N. M., very near the boun- 
dary of Old Mexico. Since then on several occasions he 
has visited the territories already referred to, and has fre- 
quently verified the facts concerning the wonderful climate 
which can be enjoyed there. At the present time accom- 
modations are expensive and oftentimes very indifferent. 
There are a few well-managed hotels which deserve to be 
ranked as "first-class," but generally speaking, it is diffi- 
cult to find suitable accommodations for the average traveller 
in good health ; and to provide for the delicate invalid is 
not only very expensive, but at any cost almost impossible. 
There are many people in moderate circumstances who would 
be thankful to go to New Mexico or Colorado, and whose 
friends would provide the necessary transportation, if they 
could only secure good and wholesome shelter after arriving 
at their destination. There are others equally deserving and 
equally anxious to get well who would go if they had suffi- 
cient means to subsist upon after their arrival. In the latter 

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cases it would be very difficult even to obtain the necessary 
travelling expenses. These are additional reasons why we 
need a sanitarium in New Mexico. If Congress will provide 
for a national sanitarium, we can accomplish untold good for 
thousands of poor American invalids. Is it not a wonder 
that we have no national sanitarium for consumptives ? We 
should have had such an institution inaugurated years ago ; 
in fact, as soon as it would have been safe to inhabit the 
land. If, then, we secure the right to create a national 
sanitarium, where shall we locate it ? In making a selection 
of a locality, we must bear in mind the following require- 
ments: It must be near some great artery of communica- 
tion with home ; that is, generally speaking, with our impor- 
tant centre — in other words, it must be near a railroad, if 
not actually upon one. It must be near a town or village, 
affording opportunities to obtain necessary supplies of all 
kinds. It must contain or be accessible to agreeable society ; 
and last, but not least, it must be able to provide suitable 
employment of mind and- body for all its occupants. Purity, 
dryness of air and soil, moderate elevation, temperateness, 
sunshine — all these may obtain, and yet our patients mope 
and die in despair from homesickness merely because the 
mind and body are not occupied with wholesome normal 
work. Idleness kills more people eveiy year than many so- 
called dangerous diseases, and yet its name never appears in 
the nomenclature of disease as a possible cause of death! 
We may calculate our returns, and decide wisely as to cli- 
mate ; but if the patient's bodily comfort cannot be assured 
and mental rest secured when he reaches his destination, our 
wise counsels will have been in vain, and idleness will have 
been the enemy to defeat all our best-laid plans for our 
patient's betterment. Occupation is, then, one of the reme- 
dies which must be provided at our national sanitarium, and 
this is the very thing needed to aid in making such an insti- 
tution in part, at least, self-supporting. A wise administra- 
tion will provide, in part payment for board, useful and reg- 
ular daily employment for the men and for the women — the 
women about the houses or in the open sewing-room ; the 
men about the grounds, gardens, stables, carpenter shops, etc. 
A busy hygeia could be created, peopled by patients on the 
road to happy recovery, who perhaps very recently had well- 
nigh abandoned the last hope for cure. What a noble char- 

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ity a few thousands could inaugurate ! How many cheerless 
homes could be made happy if but the word could be spoken 
to open the gates of one of our frontier forts, and let these 
poor people inhabit houses which must soon fall to pieces 
from neglect, and which a very little money would easily 
fashion into homes where hope and life would dwell in 
grateful remembrance of a parental government with some 
concern for the lives and happiness of the poor! We see 
these costly lunatic asylums and prisons in our Eastern 
States and on government reservations, we see millions 
spent on war materials ; and yet so far nothing has been done 
to mitigate the sorrows and sufferings which every home 
in the land has more or less dreadful knowledge of. The 
time has come for us to ask boldly, and with hope of favoiv 
able answer, for a national sanitarium for consumptives. Let 
every merciful man and woman urge upon their senator or 
representative prompt and generous approval of this hu- 
mane measure for the mitigation of such widespread 
sorrow and suffering. How generously we are wont to 
provide for a few sufferers anywhere! but if we could 
collect all the consumptives in one place, how quickly 
we should stir about to extend our mercy to them ! Scat- 
tered over this great land of ours from ocean to ocean, in 
every city, town, and hamlet, they extend their entreaty for 
help. They know not what to ask; but we should know 
enough, when a simple and reasonable request is made in 
their behalf, to instantly do what we can to aid in such 
a worthy cause. Let us contradict the heartless statement 
of the professor who, upon being asked what can be done for 
consumptive patients, replied, " There are but two remedies 
for such unfortunates — opium and lies." Consumption is, 
however, curable, and a national sanitarium for consumptives 
is needed. With the opportunity at present afforded for 
making use of one of our abandoned military posts situated 
in an ideal climate for cure, it would seem as if it were the 
duty of the government to make the experiment. 

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In the Garden of the King's palace stood a beautiful 
Tree; a fountain nourished it with the water of Love, and 
underneath the Children did their wholesome work and 

Some of the King's Servants said: "This tree is good for 
shade; but in the world we have seen charitable trees which 
give food and drink and medicine and raiment as well as 
shade. Therefore we will plant such trees beside the 

Ahd these new trees grew up and shut off the winds of 
heaven from the Tree of Equity so that it grew twisted and 
waxed weak. Moreover, the water of the fountain was 
drawn off. Therefore the leaves of the Tree of Equity 
withered away. 

When its shade was lost the fierce heat of Competition 
beat down and sucked up the springs of Love, so that the 
sap dried out even from the earthly trees, and those who 
sought shelter from the heat were mocked by withered 


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Nothing is more common than the employment by the 
special pleaders of the gold ring of abusive epithets, the 
charge of ignorance, or the imputation of selfish motives 
levelled against those who seek to restore the prosperity and 
happiness of our own nation through overthrowing the ruin- 
ous policy of the Bank of England and the American Tories. 
Hence I have deemed it wise to call attention to a few out- 
spoken advocates of free coinage of silver among the most 
scholarly conservatives (using this much-abused term in its 
true sense) and authoritative thinkers of the East, who, if 
they could be seduced by the gold ring, would be exalted to 
the topmost rung as authorities by the gold press. 

It is my purpose to confine myself in this paper to promi- 
nent thinkers among the most conservative authorities, *uch 
as bankers, financiers, and jurists, and also to notice only per- 
sons who have been life-long members of the Republican or 
Democratic parties, as I wish to show how absurd, even 
from an ultra conservative point of view^ is the clamor of 
the special pleaders for the gold ring, that authorities in 
finance and careful jurists discredit the popular demand for 
the immediate opening of our mints for free coinage of silver 
at 16 to 1. 

One of the ablest authorities on finance in America 
to-day is 


president of the Mercantile National Bank of New York 
City and author of the proposed platform for American 
Independents published in our June issue. This prominent 
metropolitan banker was born in Mobile, Ala., Feb. 19, 1849, 
being the son of Newton St. John of the firm of St. John, 
Powers & Co., bankers, and for twenty-five years agents in 
the South for Baring Bros. & Co. of London. Mr. St. John's 
ancestors were intimately connected with the foundation and 


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political life of our government. His mother, Maria Pope, 
was a daughter of Alexander Pope and Dorothy Bibb of 
Georgia, the latter being a sister of William Bibb, the Ter- 
ritorial Governor and first State Governor of Alabama. The 
father of Alexander Pope, Mr. St. John's great-grandfather, 
was Charles Pope of Delaware, lieutenant-colonel of the 
Revolutionary regiment known as " The Blue Hen's Chick- 
ens," which constituted the first independent command of 
Lafayette. Mr. St. Jolui's paternal ancestry also includes 
Revolutionary patriots, his paternal great-grandfather having 
been one of the twenty-five founders of the town of Ridge- 
field, Conn. Mr. St. John is thus eligible to membership 
in the New England Society and the Southern Society, and 
on his father's side is eligible to the State societies of Mas- 
sachusetts, Connecticut, and New York, and on his mothers 
side of Delaware, Georgia, and Alalxinia. He is therefore 
intensely American. 

Mr. St. John's school days beginning in Mobile, continued 
in Germany and England and ended in Massachusetts. 
After terminating his education he entered the employ 
successively of several distinctly different kinds of busi- 
ness with houses standing first in their line. His last 
engagement prior to entering banking was in employment 
with the largest sugar refinery firm of our country, where 
he had full charge of the sales during four years. Some 
idea of the magnitude of its business can be gained from 
the fact that the sales for a single year aggregated $5,000,- 
000. In January, 1881, he was tendered the cashiership 
of the Mercantile National Bank of New York City, and 
two years later, on the death of the president of that insti- 
tution, he was promoted to the first position in that l>ank, 
which office he has filled ever since. Under the presidency 
of Mr. St. John, during thirteen years, the Mercantile 
National Bank has trebled the volume of its deposits, and 
l>esides paying regular semi-annual dividends, has accumu- 
lated $1,000,000 of surplus earnings. 

Mr. St. John is also a director or trustee in other banks 
and institutions of New York, and has l>een a frequent con- 
tributor to financial literature. Williams College has con- 
ferred upon him the honorary degree of M. A. 

In 1884 Mr. St. John was elected a member of the finance 
committee of the New York Chamlier of Commerce, a position 
to which he was annually re-elected for a total period of eight 

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years. Upon his first election the chairman urged upon him, 
as the junior member, the obligation to devote research to the 
silver question, lie began that research as a pronounced 
gold-standard man, and with all the prejudice against silver 
money which still prevails in that Chamber of Commerce. At 
a convention of bankers in 1883 he had asserted of the Bland 
Act, which provided a limited coinage for silver, that it was 
" dishonest in inception and vicious in its tendencies." The 
first six years of his research were devoted to a painstaking 
endeavor to substantiate with the facts of history his precon- 
ceived false notions, which he shared with his fellow members 
of the Chamber. After six years' research he began to differ 
from the conclusions of the finance committee, setting forth 
his views in a minority report. After nine years of research 
Mr. St. John advocated boldly the restoration of silver and 
its unlimited coinage in the United States. Thus in spite of 
his prejudices, his pride of opinion, and the restraints of his 
surroundings, Mr. St. John has become an outspoken advo- 
cate of equally unrestricted coinage for gold and silver into 
unlimited legal-tender money. He asserts as his confident be- 
lief that there can be no return to a fairly permanent pros- 
perity, either for the banks or for anybody else, without the res- 
toration of silver, because toe need a growing volume of money 
along with the growing volume of everything else. Prosperity 
must begin at its fountain head in order to be continuous, 
namely tvith our producers, primarily with the tillers of the soil. 
Among the great financiers of the New World perhaps no 
name stands so high as that of 


and his recent outspoken declaration, not only in favor of 
free and unlimited coinage of silver by our government, but 
his insistence that the only way to bring back the prosperity 
lost by the Republic through the "crime of 1873" is to 
right the wrong as speedily as possible, has set thousands of 
merchants, manufactuiers, and other business men of the 
East to seriously examining this great problem in finance, 
who have hitherto been content to accept the various changes 
rung in by the gold ring and its special pleaders. 

The views of Jay Cooke are specially valuable as coming 
from the fountain head of that source from whence nothing is 
expected to flow but special pleadings for the Bank of Eng- 
land's financial policy. Moreover, few men in the United 
States are more closely wedded to the Republican party than 

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is Mr. Cooke, owing probably to his intimate relationship to 
that party during its heroic days and long ere the glory of 
the principles for which it stood were exchanged for the 
wealth of the gold ring and the rule of bosses. 

Mr. Cooke was born in Sandusky, Ohio, on the 10th of 
August, 1821. He is a descendant of Francis Cooke, one of 
the Pilgrims who reached this country in 1620, and who 
built the third house erected at Plymouth, Mass. The father 
of this great financier was a lawyer. He began practising his 
profession in Sandusky when it was a small village, and later 
he was elected to Congress by the Whigs of his district. 
Jay Cooke received an excellent education, and in 1836 went 
to Philadelphia to take a position with William G. Moorehead, 
who was interested in canal and railroad enterprises. A few 
months later, however, he accepted a position with E. W. 
Clark & Co. of Philadelphia, then the largest private bank- 
ing firm in the Republic. One biographer observes that his 
"rare talent, excellent business ability, and good judgment 
were shown very early in life and he was thoroughly trust- 
worthy." This was so markedly true that at the age of 
twenty-one he became a partner in the above-named firm and 
its active business manager, a position which he held for many 
years. In 1861 he started in banking business in a more inde- 
pendent way, under the firm name of Jay Cooke & Co. " At 
the commencement of the Civil War he obtained without com- 
pensation a large list of subscriptions to United States loans." 
He was the man of all men who stepped to the front in the 
floating of our bonds, being the sole financial agent for the 
government in placing the original 5-20 loan of $513,000,000, 
the 10-40 loan of $200,000,000, and the 7-30 loan of $830,- 
000,000. He also successfully negotiated other loans for the 
government during the darkest days of the Rebellion. These 
accomplishments have been termed "the most remarkable 
feats of financing known to history." Of Mr. Cooke ex 
Secretary Hugh McCullough observed that " a large part ot 
Mr. Cooke's valuable services were rendered before I became 
Secretary of the Treasury, but I know that to him was the 
government greatly indebted for the success of the loans 
upon which it had to depend for the means to prosecute the 
war. I do not think that any responsible tanker in the 
United States -would have taken upon himself the responsi- 
bility which Mr. Cooke assumed in the negotiation of the 
first $500,000,000 loan, and I am very sure that by no other 

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banker could the work have been so successfully accomplished. 
In this and in the other loans in the disposition of which Mr. 
Cooke's agency was required, he displayed extraordinary 
energy, ability, and zeal. To my predecessors, Mr. Chase 
and Mr. Fessenden, and to myself, his services were inval- 

The story of Black Friday, in 1873, is too well known to 
the public to render it necessary to dwell upon it here. 
Sufficient to say that when the great firm of Jay Cooke & 
Co. was forced to suspend, the banks all over the country 
fell like card houses swept by a hurricane blast.* 

In a recent interview with Mr. Cooke, the well-known 
newspaper correspondent, George Alfred Townsend, better 
known as " Oath," gave, in a concise manner, Mr. Cooke's 
views of " the crime of 1873 " and his present attitude toward 
silver. From his letter which resulted from this interview 
I quote the following as being specially interesting in this 
connection : 

Philadelphia, March 27, 1896. — This is how it hap- 
pened : Having known Jay Cooke, the seller of the govern- 
ment loans during the war, since he began that work in 1861, 
and having in recent correspondence discovered that he was 
not on the side of other bankers as to discountenancing sil- 
ver, I went to his office by appointment and spent from 10 
o'clock in the morning until 2 in the afternoon, obtaining his 
argument, together with interesting reminiscences of his 
great banking career. 

Jay Cooke is seventy-five years old. He has the beautiful 
eyes of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, from whom he is descended, 
and which are repeated in the pictures of Priscilla Alden. 
Mr. Cooke has red cheeks, is to this day an active fisherman, 
and his hair and beard are all white. 

4k I have tried," said he, " not to figure as a disputant on 
this question. Letters come to me from all over the country 
since you printed the fact that I was dissonant with the bank- 
ing world on the silver question, but I am too old to neglect 
my remaining business to lead any public cause. I don't 
want to get angry at my time of life, and I am sorely tempted 
to feel so." 

•For many of the facts given In the above outline of the career of America's 
greatest financier, I am Indebted to the National Cvclopn'din of American Biography, 
vol. I, pages 253, 264 (published by J. T. White * Co. of New York, 1892), and also to 
Johnson's Universal Cyclopaedia, vol. II, page 499. 

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u Have you any interest in silver in any way, Mr. Cooke, as 
a producer or dealer ? " 

" None. 

" Dr. Lindermann, the chief of the mints at Washington, 
came from tliis State. About the time of this demonetiza- 
tion he went to London. He was particularly susceptible to 
the sort of flattery they throw around American officials. 
He went to many dinners, and was made to feel that he ought 
to fall in with the English standard. Had the American 
people, iii their political conventions or in congressional 
debates, come to this question openly, they never would have 
consented to leave silver out of our coin standard. Linder- 
mann had the revision of the money laws under his control. 
It was done without anybody's knowledge, and* notwithstand- 
ing the demonetization, even after it became known, silver 
continued to appreciate until the constant war against it by 
these railroad bankers, by the government, and the excessive 
energy of the silver-producers started its decline. We have, 
therefore, cut off an immense source of our wealth, as well 
as of our currency. Do you mean to tell me that any nation 
but this on the globe, possessed of such valuable silver mines, 
would have disparaged that species of wealth voluntarily ? And 
I tell you, «/r, that it is going to make a great issue before the 
people. You cant keep it down. Here is a letter from the 
State treasurer of Missouri, received in this morning's mail, 
telling me that the people out there are overwhelmingly for 
silver restoration. I get letters all the time." 

" In a word, Mr. Cooke, you would restore silver at the old 
ratio of 16 to 1 ? " 

u Yes, unless we should wish to oblige France and take her 
standard of 15 J to 1." 

" Do you find silver a drug ? " 

" Just the contrary. I stayed at Atlantic City a part of 
the winter, and on leaving there yesterday to have my por- 
trait painted for my family, I wanted to get some silver 
quarters to give the servants. All they could raise in the 
house was a dollar in silver in small pieces. Why don't this 
government use its mints and turn out quarter dollars ? " 

"Then you hold at least one of the questions sure to 
appear in the coming campaign is silver ? " 

" Silver and the tariff. They belong to each other. In 
both cases we dropped our Americanism and were misled by 
the parasites of England and her insidious policy, and in 

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order to maintain the credit of railroads, more or less broken 
already, we are running into debt, and with all our unfriend- 
liness to silver are getting every day in a woi-se condition. 
This country is just ready for business. Look at these 
splendid facilities, such as these office buildings. Do you 
suppose that the men who framed this government out there 
would have tamely acquiesced in the British gold standard 
of money?" (lie pointed to Carpenter's Hall, which I now 
observed to be right behind me in a courtway.) 4fc There the 
Continental Congress met in 1774, with Washington one of 
the delegates. 

u Men of that character," said Mr. Cooke, u would rise out 
of their graves, if they had the power, to reprove the state of 
things we see at Washington. Instead of putting the people 
on their feet and giving them money and avocations, they are 
trying down there to throw us into a war, first with England, 
next with Spain. I consider President Cleveland's Venezue- 
lan message to have been next to a criminal attempt to dis- 
guise to the American people the absolute failure of his 
assaults upon the tariff and upon our money." 

" You think this country with free silver coinage could 
easily handle all that coin ? " 

" Of course." 

" Have you ever seen gold at a discount, Mr. Cooke?" 

" Why, of course I have. Many a dollar have I made by 
shaving gold and sending it over to New York by special 
messenger. I have seen the two Drexels — Tony and Frank — 
bringing on their own shoulders over to our banking house 
of Clark & Co., bags of gold which we allowed them mei- 
cantile paper for." 

" I suppose you have seen silver also lugged around in 

• fc Why, in the days of Spanish and Mexican quarters, tips, 
levies, etc., — for we rarely coined any dimes and half dimes 
— I have bought kegs of silver to be sent out to China for 
tea, silk, etc." 

u How do you account for Germany's attitude ? " 

" Germany has always been a parasite of England. For 
centuries the Germans were subsidized by the British to tight 
British wars on the continent." 

" They say that wages are going up in Japan, Mr. Cooke, 
on account of the skilled labor there getting the trades union 

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44 That is not true to any great extent. Wages started up 
a little in Japan and then they fell back again. These col- 
lege professors and smart boy experts on the gold press will 
have to make a great many assertions of the kind to prove 
their syllogism. 

44 In the East in the large communities is the place to do 
missionary work. If I had a newspaper press, as I had in the 
Civil War, when I advertised the public loans and paid every 
bill without shaving it, paid the copperhead papers just as 
well as the union papers, why, I could have done anything in 
this country on a question like silver; it would have been the 
very easiest of all questions to convert men upon, through 
the press." 

44 1 think you dropped the idea just now al>out the uncon- 
stitutionality of demonetizing silver, or rather, of destandard- 
izing it." 

44 Yes, I believe that if we had an honest Supreme Court it 
would declare that closing the mints to silver coinage was 

In a letter to the writer of this paper dated May 13, 1896, 
Mr. Cooke reasserts his attitude in the following unequivocal 
words : 

* 4 I am not ashamed to appear as a conscientious advocate for 
the restoration of silver as an equal partner with (/old at the old 
ratio, and I believe that the demonetization in 1873 ivas a con- 
spiracy and a crime, as J. G, Carlisle said in 1878, from which 
there could be no recovery except by righting the wrong as 
speedily as possible.' 7 

I now wish to notice in a brief way another conservative 
thinker who dwells on the Atlantic coast, and who is no less 
outspoken than is Mr. St. John or Mr. Cooke in defence of 
free silver at a ratio of 16 to 1. From the consideration of 
one of New York's greatest bankers and America's leading 
financier, we turn to an eminent jurist, 


of the supreme bench of North Carolina, a man eminent at 
once as an author of standard legal works, an essayist, and a 
prominent jurist. 

Justice Clark has recently returned from an extensive trip 
through Mexico, where he made a careful study of the won- 
derful prosperity of our sister Republic, due so largely to free 
silver. Justice Clark is a man of too high standing to distort 

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facts as they exist, while his legal training enables him to 
carefully sift and weigh facts and conditions as they are. 
I therefore desire to preface the sketch of this eminent jurist 
with an extract of his observations relating to the great staple 
of his section of our countiy and a generalization referring to 
other real wealth products. 

" I visited the Hercules cotton mill, two miles south of the 
city. It is a large establishment, with two thousand spindles 
and eleven hundred looms, and is admirably managed. It has 
the latest machinery. I inquired the price paid for cotton, 
and was told sixteen to seventeen cents at the factory. Up 
in the Mapinii country, in Durango, where it was produced, 
the price was thirteen and one half to fourteen and one half 
cents, and later on, at a cotton factory in the suburbs of 
Oaxaca six hundred miles south of this, the superintendent 
informed me that they paid eighteen to nineteen cents. In 
the United States Consular Reports for September last our 
consul at Matamoras reports cotton selling to the factories at 
Monterey at sixteen to eighteen cents. On investigation I 
found all the prices about equalled thirteen cents in New 
Orleans, the tariff, freight, and charges making it cost sixteen 
to seventeen cents at Queretaro and eighteen to nineteen 
cents at Oaxaca, and they pay the local producer the New 
Orleans price plus these charges. Mexico does not produce 
enough cotton to clothe all her population. Her manufac- 
turers buy in New Orleans the quantity the country fails to 
produce. A few years ago, when their dollar and ours were 
equal, they paid on an average thirteen cents in New Orleans 
and in the very same money, but owing to the enforced 
enhancement in the value of our money, by manipulated legis- 
lation, this thirteen cents, instead of being equal as it should 
honestly be to thirteen cents in our money, is only equal to 
about seven cents in our 6 increased value ' money. The 
direct loss to the cotton planter of the South is, therefore, 
$30 per bale, or $20,000,000 annual loss to the South on this 
one crop. The same is true of the wheat and corn of the 
West and all other crops — corn and wheat being $1 to $1.40 
per bushel in Mexico in their currency, which has remained 
in value unchanged by legislation. The assertion about over- 
production is a myth, as the countless thousands of half- 
clothed and half-fed people in the United States know only 
too well. The trouble is in the legislative increase of the 
value of the dollar, made in order that those who live by 

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clipping coupons from Government, State, and other bonds, 
and on the public taxes, may be twice as rich as formerly 
without any additional exertion. They are twice as rich with 
the labor of clipping only the same number of coupons." 

Justice Walter Clark was born in Halifax County, North 
Carolina, the 19th of August, 1846. He graduated at the 
University of North Carolina in June, 1864, at the head of 
his class. Between 1866 and 1867 he studied law in New 
York City and in Columbian College, Washington, D. C., 
and was admitted to the bar in 1868. In 1871 he travelled 
in California, writing a series of papers entitled u From 
Ocean to Ocean," and in 1881 was a delegate to the Metho- 
dist Ecumenical Council at London, travelling extensively in 
Europe after the Conference adjourned. 

In 1885 he was appointed a judge of the Superior Court 
of North Carolina, and nominated and elected by the Demo- 
cratic party for the same office in 1886, leading the ticket at 
the polls. He was appointed to the Supreme Court of North 
Carolina in 1889, and nominated by the Democratic party 
for the same office (to fill the unexpired term) in 1890, again 
leading the ticket. la 1894 he was nominated for the full 
term of the same office (eight years) unanimously by the 
People's, Democratic, and Republican parties of North Caro- 
lina, and elected unanimously by the people, receiving double 
the number of votes ever given to any other man in his State. 

Justice Clark was married in 1874 to the daughter of the 
Hon. W. A. Graham (formerly Governor, United States 
Senator, and United States Secretary of the Navy). Since 
the date of his marriage he has 'resided in Raleigh. 

As an author he occupies a high rank. Among his prin- 
cipal works may be mentioned " Clark's Annotated Code," 
which has been twice reissued in new editions, "Laws of 
Business Men," and " Overruled Cases." He has translated 
from the French Constant's " Private Life of Napoleon," 
three volume-*. lie has been a contributor to The Arena, 
The American Law Review* The North American Review, The 
Magazine of American History, Harper 9 Magazine* and 
several other leading periodicals. He is now compiling and 
editing, in addition to his judicial labors, for the State of 
North Carolina, " The State Records of North Carolina " in 
eight folio volumes, of which three volumes have been 
printed, and has in press a "History of North Carolina" to 
be issued by the University Publishing Company of New 

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York. He has always advocated the side of the people and 
the doctrine of "the greatest good to the greatest number." 
He has contributed articles to The Arena in favor of 
u Postal Telegraph," " Election of United States Senators 
and Postmasters by the People," "The Abolition of the 
Presidential Veto," and his articles on Mexico showing the 
benefits which would accrue from remonetization of silver 
from the experience of that country as an object lesson were 
completed in the June number of The Arena. 

He is a magnificent representative of true Democracy, 
besides being a ripe scholar and a leading jurist. 

These three authoritative thinkers from the most conserva- 
tive positions and dwelling along what may be called the 
Atlantic coast district show how absolutely shallow and 
absurd are the hysterical claims of the special pleaders of the 
gold ring in America when they, after carefully excluding 
arguments from the other side, denounce as charlatans all 
patriotic statesmen and thinkers who insist on an immediate 
establishment of conditions which are conducive to the pros- 
perity and happiness of America's millions. 

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In a paper published some time ago in the ARENA by the 
eminent and scholarly author, Henry Wood, entitled "Does 
Bi-Chloride of Gold Cure Inebriety?" the assumption was 
that the gold remedies had nothing to do with the (undis- 
puted) cures, which were brought about by some sort of 
psychic influence akin to hypnotism. 

Two or three months later, in the pages of this maga- 
zine, Dr. Leslie E. Keeley, the originator of the treatment 
of inebriety and other diseases with the double chloride 
(not bichloride) of gold and sodium, presented an ex- 
haustive paper on the scientific principles of his method 
of treating these diseases, and in the same number the 
writer of these lines set forth certain facts which had 
come under his own observation and out of his own experi- 
ence, giving evidence that many cures of inebriety had been 
wrought which could be rationally accounted for in no other 
way than by the therapeutic action of the Keeley remedies. 

It is the purpose of the present paper to give some idea 
of the present status of what Rev. A. B. O'Neill, C. S. C, calls 
in the Catholic Review, "A New Phase of the Drink Problem." 
I have had exceptional facilities for obtaining reliable in- 
formation, during the two and a half years since my former 
"notes" appeared in these pages, and it seems to me that 
the readers of the ARENA, who of all Americans are in- 
terested in the uplift of humanity, when they learn what 
has been and is being accomplished through this agency 
for the permanent cure of inebriety and for the permanent 
reformation of drunkards, will be glad to recognize in it 
the mightiest factor in the solution of the problem, "What 
shall we do with the drunkard?" which has ever been 
brought to notice. Few of these readers, when they know 
what has been done, will be likely to withhold their favor- 
able consideration on the grounds offered by some of the 
"temperance reformers," of unwillingness to "endorse a 
proprietary medicine/' Pray why not endorse even a pro- 
prietary medicine, if it has proved itself a specific for a 
disease hitherto unconquerable or at least unconquered by 
any means known to the medical world? There is a flavor of 
trades-unionism in this excuse, which hints at its origin. 

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It is claimed by Dr. Keeley, who has the data at hand 
to verify his statement, that during the sixteen years since 
he began the treatment of inebriety as a disease, something 
like two hundred and fifty thousand cases have been success- 
fully treated by hisremedies and his system, of which number 
only about five per cent have subsequently "lapsed," or in 
other wordshaverecontracted the disease. He further claims 
that in no single instance has there been or can there be, 
when the remedies are administered in accordance with his 
own instructions, the least physical or mental injury re- 
sulting from their use. Both claims have been disputed; 
but so far as I know or have seen, in no case has the dis- 
pute come from the persons most likely to be competent 
witnesses, viz., the patients or their families. Their testi- 
mony is invariably in line with the claims of Dr. Keeley. 
Even a pscudo investigation, like that recently attempted 
by Rev. Dr. Buckley, of the Christian Advocate, who excluded 
from testimony any person who had been a patient, relying 
altogether upon the ex-partc statements of physicians and 
clergymen who were upon the subscription list of his paper, 
disclosed that not less than fifty-one per cent of the acquaint- 
ances of these subscribers who had taken the genuine 
Keeley treatment had been permanently cured. In a very 
careful and painstaking investigation conducted by myself, 
where the inquiries were made directly of the patients them- 
selves, I could find but twenty-three "lapses" in four hun- 
dred and eighty-eight cases. To be sure, when conducting 
this investigation, I was the manager of an institute, and 
my testimony would have been ruled out by Dr. Buckley as 
presumably biased. I don't know that this necessarily fol- 
lows. My opportunities were certainly quite as good for 
learning the facts as were those of the clergymen and 
physicians whom alone he admitted to the witness stand. 

There is, however, testimony which is not open to such 
suspicion. By special arrangement with the national board 
of managers of the National Home for Disabled Volunteer 
Soldiers, the Keeley treatment has been introduced into 
most of the "branches 1 ' of the home, as well as into a number 
of the state soldiers' homes. The first to make trial of the 
cure was the Western Branch, at or near Leavenworth, 
Kan., where the first patients were treated in March, 1892. 
The experiment has therefore been tried at that branch for 
more than three years. The institutes at these homes are 
in medical charge of physicians who, as at all other insti- 
tutions throughout the country, confine themselves solely 
to the treatment of the Keeley patients. The "members" 

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of these homes are for the most part men who are enfeebled 
by wounds or disease; their average age is not far from 
sixty; few of them have any of the inducements which 
younger and stronger men have, of "something to look 
forward to"; and those who have presented themselves for 
the Keeley treatment have been intemperate men for from 
twenty to forty years. 

From the official report of Col. Andrew J. Smith, gov- 
ernor of the Western Branch, to Gen. William B. Franklin, 
president of the national board of Managers, it appears 
that from the introduction of the treatment at the date 
above named, to January, 1895 (two and three-quarters 
years), the number of patients had been 1,227. The ratio 
of lapses — and there can be no doubt that the governor of 
the home would know of all these — had been ten per cent. 
Of the whole number treated, 724 had left the home, thus 
relieving the government of the expense of their support, 
and gone out into the world, able, now that the accursed 
and before-time uncontrollable appetite for drink had been 
removed, to maintain themselves. Of this number, 182 
were married men, who had rejoined the families from 
which habits of inebriety had separated them! The average 
cost of maintaining a soldier at these homes is about the 
sum named by Colonel Smith for the Leavenworth Branch. 
$126.22. There has therefore been saved to the government 
through the departure of these 724 men, the very large 
sum of $93,655 per year! 

In an institution where it is possible to know the exact 
truth in the case of every man, the governor's official report 
to a board of which President Cleveland a«d Secretary of 
War Lamont are members ex officio, which report has there- 
fore the force and w r eight of a national document, gives the 
number of "lapses" as only ten per cent! Remembering 
who and what these men are and have been, Dr. Keeley's 
claim that the average of lapses throughout the country will 
not exceed five per cent does not seem preposterous. 

That nearly two-thirds of these men have found them- 
selves able to take up the task of self-support (and in nearly 
two hundred cases the support of family as well) would ap- 
pear sufficient refutation of the charge sometimes made 
that the treatment produces physical or mental injury. But 
we are not without evidence which is direct and positive, 
and which should remove the last vestige of doubt. Again 
we turn to the Leavenworth Soldiers' Home. If indications 
of ill effects were to be found anywhere, it would surely be 
in the persons of men already more or less invalids. 

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The surgeon of this institution is in no way charged with 
the administration of the Keeley treatment, which, as be- 
fore said, is given by physicians having this as their exclu- 
sive work. Maj. D. C. Jones is the surgeon of the Leaven- 
worth Home, and in the following quotation from a letter 
dated Sept. 4, 1894, it should be remembered that he speaks 
from his observation and experience of the results of an- 
other physician's work; and when he says "we have 
treated," he means only that these cases have been treated 
at the home over which he has medical supervision: 

We have during the past year treated five hundred and eighteen 
men for chronic alcoholism and opium addiction, with less than nine 
per cent of lapses. Out of this number we have treated one hundred 
younger men belonging to the U. S. A., with only four lapses. I need 
not say to you that this is perhaps the most nearly a specific medicine 
that toe have any knowledge of in the treatment of disease. 

I would further caU attention to the fact that not in a single instance 
in all the men treated (since March, 1892), now numbering nearly 
twelve hundred, has a man died or his physical condition been injured, 
but in many cases of rheumatism, neurasthenia and other nervous 
affections, great improvement has been noted. The men of our 
branch have been greatly improved in their moral and physical condi- 
tion, so much so that it is apparent in every department of the home, 
and especially is it so in the hospital. 

Evidence of such sort, and from such a source, is simply 
incontestable, and needs no comment. 

During the year 1894, Hon. William H. Eustis, then mayor 
of Minneapolis, who had given much attention to the work 
of the local Keeley Institute, arranged for the experi- 
mental trial of the cure upon a class of men who would 
perhaps be regarded as the most hopeless cases which 
could be selected. They were the men committed to the 
city workhouse for minor offences, chiefly drunkenness. 
Most of them were old offenders. Nearly all had been 
previously committed, and one man had been sentenced 
twenty-seven times! No compulsion was used. The men 
were given the privilege of taking the treatment if they 
desired to make an attempt toward better things. 

As to results, the following are Mr. Eustis' own words. 
When asked by a reporter of the Lowell, Mass., Mail, "Have 
you any special views as to what should be done with the 
chronic drunkard?" he replied: "Yes; I think more of an 
effort should be made to effect his reformation. Do you 
know that I got money enough from the saloon-keepers 
themselves to send seventy-five habitual drunkards to the 
Keeley Institute? Yes, I believe in the Keeley Institutes. 
Of this number sent by us, fully eighty-five per cent re- 
mained permanently cured." 

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Let none suppose from the foregoing that the great army 
of 250,000 ex-patients has been recruited chiefly or even 
largely from the classes here spoken of. They are from 
every profession and occupation. Seven per cent of them 
have come from the medical profession; the clergy have 
furnished no small number; lawyers, journalists, mer- 
chants, bankers, engineers, clerks, commercial travellers, 
farmers, mechanics, and laborers make up the list. Promi- 
nence has been given in this paper to the results upon two 
classes, for these reasons: First, to indicate that the results 
are nothing short of wonderful where there seemed small 
promise or hope for permanently successful issues; second, 
because, in these cases it has been possible to keep exact 
account of the results. 

In the face of these undeniable facts, there can be no 
question that the world has seen nothing in all its efforts 
at temperance reform which affords so good ground for 
belief in the possible overthrow of the most gigantic evil 
of our time. One would suppose that with such a record, 
there could be found no professed lover of his fellowmen, 
least of all a professed temperance worker, who would not 
be glad to be reckoned the firm friend of the Keeley Cure. 
That it is gradually gaining recognition is undeniably 
true. That candid investigation of its accomplishments is 
certain to increase the number of its friends is equally 
true. But I have found a surprising number of really 
philanthropic people who know next to nothing about it, 
as shown by their confounding it with the worthless imita- 
tions which have taken advantage of its record of good. 
I do not know of one of the many temperance organizations 
which has even taken the trouble to appoint a committee 
to investigate and report upon it. In my reading of the 
reports of temperance conventions, I do not remember to 
have seen any consideration of inebriety as a disease, to say 
nothing of its possible cure. Comparatively few clergymen 
seem to have taken the trouble to find out what are the 
facts regarding it. I have come in contact with hundreds 
of them, and in the great majority of instances have found 
them but slightly informed regarding this stupendous work. 
I have wondered much at this; for while it is to be expected 
that a degree of conservatism should characterize the oc- 
cupants of our pulpits, they are as a rule the staunch 
friends of temperance; and a method of reform which is 
able to show as its results a quarter of a million former 
drunkards who have been restored to themselves, to family, 
to society, to industry, and in thousands of cases to the 

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church, might with reason be expected to command the seri- 
ous consideration of the ministers of the gospel. 

I have heard but one attempted explanation of the lack 
of interest in the Keeley Cure on the part of professed tem- 
perance workers, viz., that it is a business enterprise. .It 
is that in the same sense that the practice of medicine is a 
business enterprise; in the same sense that the preaching 
of the gospel is a business enterprise. The business of the 
one is the saving of human life, when attacked by disease; 
of the other, the saving of human souls, if we may believe 
its advocates. The business of the Keeley Cure is the re- 
demption of drunkards; the restoration to manhood and 
all that is implied in that word, of men who had long ago 
been given up by the honest and earnest temperance re- 
formers as hopeless cases; at least, as beyond the reach 
of any agencies known to or employed by them. Can it be 
accounted for as a jealousy of methods which succeed where 
those with which they were familiar have avowedly failed? 

And now, lest an ulterior purpose be suspected in the 
writing of these pages, let me assure the reader that I am 
not now connected in any way with the Keeley work, and 
have no interest in it other than that which any man must 
have, who knows from an experience of three years that it 
has made good its every claim in his own case, and who de- 
sires that the truth shall be more widely known, to the 
end that the victims of drink and drug, and all interested in 
their welfare and their possible salvation, may not only take 
heart of hope, but have assurance that a cure for their dis- 
ease is at hand and available. 

Since the above was written I have seen the report of Sur- 
geon Jones of the Leavenworth Home, to June 30, 1895. 
The total number of cases treated at that institution since 
March 29, 1892, has been 1,301. The following figures will 
be of interest: 

Ratio of lapses per 100 for whole number treated from estab- 
lishment of Institute (March 29, 1892) to June 30, 1895. .11.82 
Ratio of lapses per 100 for whole number treated from July 1, 

1894, to June 30, 1895 5.81 

Oldest graduate, Home veteran 80 years 

Youngest " " " 46 " 

Average age 61 " 

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When books are brought out by publishers whose main 
business is to issue such works as favor, or represent the 
views of any class or denomination, their readers are largely 
those whose affiliations are in the same range with those of 
the publishers. The literary and unsectarian publisher has 
a cosmopolitan constituency; the denominational publisher 
has a constituency mostly inside the borders of his class. In 
one important respect this is unfortunate. The great world 
thus misses a knowledge of inspired poetry and noble prose, 
of large thought and golden truth which transcend all sec- 
tarian lines, and would be helpful to all thoughtful persons 
and to all lovers of genius. 

Two fine volumes are before me as I write, the career of 
which strikingly illustrates this statement. Their circula- 
tion has been large, but mainly inside a certain limit, while 
the outside world knows little of them, yet they well deserve 
a world-wide reading. "Poems of the Inner Life" and 
"Poems of Progress," by Elizabeth Doten, were published 
twenty years ago by Colby & Rich of Boston, a firm issuing 
works largely on spiritualism and kindred topics. More 
than twenty thousand copies have been sold, mostly to 
spiritualists, but the literary and reading world outside 
knows too little of this gifted woman, or of her poems, which 
should give her high place among her gifted sisters, who, in 
this "women's century," have won fame by their poetic 

Born in the old Pilgrim town of Plymouth, she is a direct 
descendant in the seventh generation, from ancestors who 
came over in the Mayflower — Edward Doten on her father's 
side, and William Bradford, second governor of Plymouth 
Colony, on her mother's side. Elizabeth (better known as 
Lizzie Doten, is daughter of Daniel Doten — a sea captain, a 
man of uncommon vigor and ability, a great reader, and an 
independent thinker — and Rebecca his wife, daughter of 
Nathaniel Bradford, a woman of clear intellect, mild, indus- 


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trious, domestic, and of strong religious tendencies. The 
father cheerfully sent two sons to do their duty to their coun- 
try in the late civil war, both serving as captains. Thus 
much for heredity, the best of those days, a precious lineage 
from "the winnowing of the nation," who came from old 
England. At the age of seventeen Elizabeth enjoyed a year 
in a private school in Plymouth, her previous studies having 
been in the public schools. The seventh of nine children, 
she was of necessity self-supporting, sewing, teaching, and 
writing for sundry publications. 

Early psychical experiences and other influences led to 
such interest in spiritualism that she was persuaded to go 
upon the platform as an inspirational speaker, and during 
some fifteen years she lectured in most of the leading cities 
and towns of New England and the Middle States. Then, 
with declining health, she retired to private life, enjoying its 
quiet, and doubtless, strongly individual as she is, its inde- 
pendence. For the last fifteen years scientific studies, more 
especially in chemistry, several journeys to California and 
eslewhere, personal pursuits and duties, and the society of 
beloved friends have filled the busy days of a useful life. 

Whenever we have met I found her simple, sincere, person- 
ally attractive, easy in conversation, with clear convictions 
and spiritual culture when deeper matters were spoken of. 
An hour with her always gave a lasting sense of some gain 
in wealth of the inner life. Faithful to the truth as she sees 
it, no unpopularity, not even the estrangement of friends, 
swerves her from her chosen path. This steadfast following 
of the light gives resplendent beauty to her poems, which 
also show broad charity and a strong desire to uplift the 
fallen and give sight to the spiritually blind. 

Of her psychical experiences, and her early views, and 
later modifications of them, extracts from prefatory prose 
articles in the volumes of poems, and from a late letter, will 
give some idea. She was never a professional medium, yet 
her lectures and the poems given with them, may be con* 
sidered as results of a high phase of mediumship, or psy- 
chical impressibility and inspiration. Some of the first 
poems in these books were given on the platform at the close 
of a lecture, she being sometimes partially unconscious of 
outward things. They were not written out until after their 
delivery. Sometimes they came from no known outside 
personal source, but were inspirations, apparently uttered 
in an uplifted condition in which the soul was especially 
open to high truths. Sometimes, as she then believed, they 
came from Poe, Burns, and others, a belief which, as will 

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be seen, she has modified, not denying it bnt holding it "an 
open question." She did not ask audiences to give subjects 
for impromptu poems — "a custom more honored in the breach 
than in the observance." 

In the prefatory articles she describes her experiences 
as a child, times of solitude and introversion opening into 
illuminated hours. Of later trance and poetic experiences 
we are told: 

The avenues of external sense, if not entirely closed, were at least 
disused, in order that the spiritual perceptions might be quickened to 
the requisite degree, and also that the world of causes, of which earth 
and its experiences are but passing effects, might be disclosed to my 

In relation to the poems given under direct spirit-influence I woiUd 
say, that there has been a mistake existing in many minds concerning 
them. They were not like lightning flashes, coming unheralded, and 
vanishing without leaving a trace behind. Several days before they 
were given, I would receive intimations of them. Oftentimes I would 
awake in the night from a deep slumber, and detached fragments of 
those poems would be floating through my mind, though in a few 
moments after they would vanish like a dream. I have sometimes 
awakened myself by repeating them aloud. 

It is often as difficult to decide what is the action of one's own intel- 
lect and what is spirit-influence, as it is in our ordinary associations 
to determine what is original with ourselves and what we have 
received from circumstances or contact with the mind of others. Yet, 
nevertheless, there are cases where the distinction is so evident that it 
is not to be doubted. 

In her "Word to the World" she says: 

Aside from the external phenomena of modern spiritualism,— which, 
compared to the great principles underlying them, are but mere froth 
and foam on the ocean of truth,— I have realized that in the mysteri- 
ous depths of the inner life, all souls can hold communion with those 
invisible beings, who are our companions both in time and eternity. 
My vision has been dim and indistinct, my hearing confused by the 
jarring discords of earthly existence, and my utterances of a wisdom, 
higher than my own, Impeded by my selfish conceits and vain imagin- 
ings. Yet, notwithstanding all this, the solemn convictions of my 
spiritual surroundings, and the mutual ties of interest still existing 
between souls, "whether in the body or out of the body," have been 
indeUbly impressed upon me. From such experiences I have learned 
—in a sense hitherto unknown— that "the kingdom of Heaven is 
within me." 

Tn a late letter Miss Doten writes me: 

Sincerity obliges me to say that, since those poems were published, 
my impression as to the particular influence' under which they were 
given has been essentially modified. I find that by establishing a 
sympathetic relation between my own mind and the writings of many 
living authors I can take on a peculiar inspiration and fairly represent 
their style. This leads me to infer that in the past, I might not have 
been as entirely under the direct influence of Burns or Poe as I had 
supposed. It is an open question, and prevents me from reaffirming 

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my past statements as confidently as I should desire. I am obliged to 
revise and correct my past opinions and statements, and, learning 
wisdom from experience, to wait patiently for more light As Intelli- 
gent human beings our possibilities are beyond all estimation, and it 
is neither wise nor well considered to ascribe to spirits the powers 
which we ourselves possess. The Intelligence of the Universe exists 
in us, and operates through us. As individual entities, and con- 
servators of that great force, we stand co-related to it and to each 
other, and it is both a logical and legitimate conclusion that there 
should be a direct communication along the whole line, to the utter- 
most parts of the universe. Indeed there can be no question that such 
a relation and communication already exist. We only lack the ability 
to perceive and understand it. Science is slowly but surely pointing 
the way, and a scientific spiritualism will evidently be one of the 
established facts of the future. I still hold to the underlying facts 
and principles [of spiritualism] but am obliged to see the whole 
matter In a different light 

This much is needful to a clear understanding of the 
poems, as well as for a fair statement of the views of the 
author, and we are the better prepared to appreciate such 
quotations as space will allow. 

In the poems there is no dikttanteisnt, but an earnestness 
which pulses through every line of these noble stanzas: 

Where have the world's great heroes gone, 

The champions of the Right, 
Who, with their armor girded on, 
Have passed beyond our sight? 
Are they where palms immortal wave, 

And laurels crown the brow? 
Or was the victory thine, O Grave? 
Where are they? Answer thou. 

The earth is green with martyrs' graves, 

On hill and plain and shore, 
And the great ocean's sounding waves 

Sweep over thousands more. 
For us they drained life's bitter cup, 

And dared the battle strife; 
Where are they, Death? Oh, render up 

The secret of their life! 

Lo! how the viewless air around 

With quickening life is stirred, 
And from the silences profound 

Leaps forth the answering word: 
"We live— not in some distant sphere- 
Life's mission to fulfil; 
But, joined with faithful spirits here, 

We love and labor still. 

"No laurel wreath, no waving palm, 

No royal robes are ours, 
But evermore, serene and calm, 

We use life's noblest powers. 

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Toil on In hope, and bravely bear 

The burdens of your lot; 
Great, earnest souls your labors share; 

They will forsake you not" 

Even in the play of fine wit and humor there is a mean- 
ing and purpose that makes it all the finer. A wide range 
of thought, with fit poetic expression, from pathos to tri- 
umph, from tender emotion to the uplifting sway of noble 
inspiration, are rare and remarkable qualties of her verse. 

Here is pathos leading to sweetest peace: 

Margery Miller. 

Old Margery Miller sat alone, 
One Christmas eve, by her poor hearthstone, 
Where dimly the fading firelight shone. 
Full eighty summers had swiftly sped, 
FuU eighty winters their snows had shed, 
With silver-sheen, on her aged head. 

One by one had her loved ones died — 
One by one had they left her side — 
Fading like flowers in their summer pride. 
Poor old Margery Miller! 
Sitting alone, 
Unsought, unknown, 
Had God forgotten she was His own? 

Ay, there she sat, on that Christmas eve, 
Seeking some dream of the past to weave, 
Patiently striving not to grieve. 

Soft on her ear fell the Christmas chimes, 
Bringing the thought of the dear old times, 
Like birds that sing of far distant climes. 

Then swelled the flood of her pent-up grief — 
Swayed like a reed in the tempest brief, 
Her bowed form shook like an aspen leaf. 

"O God! " she cried, "I am lonely here, 
Bereft of all that my heart holds dear; 
Yet Thou dost never refuse to hear. 

"Oh, if the dead were allowed to speak! 
Could I only look on their faces meek, 
How it would strengthen my heart so weak! " 
Poor old Margery Miller! 

Sitting alone. 

Unsought, unknown, 
What was that light which around her shone? 

Dim on the hearth burned the embers red, 
Yet soft and clear, on her silvered head, 
A light like the sunset glow was shed. 

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Bright blossoms fell on the cottage floor, 
"Mother" was whispered, as oft before, 
And long-lost faces gleamed forth once more. 

She lifted her withered hands on high, 
And uttered the eager, earnest cry, 
"God of all mercy! now let me die." 


Out of the glory that burned like flame, 
Calmly a great white angel came — 
Softly he whispered her humble name. 

"Child of the highest," he gently said, 
"Thy toils are ended, thy tears are shed, 
And life immortal now crowns thy head." • 

She faintly murmured, "God's name be blest! " 
And folding her hands on her dying breast, 
She calmly sank to her dreamless rest. 
Poor old Margery Miller! 

Her spirit had flown 

To the world unknown, 
Where true hearts never can be alone. • 

Here is part of an heroic version of an old Norse legend, 
bracing as the pure air from the northland mountains: 

The Rainbow Bridge. 

'Twas a faith that was held by the Northmen bold, 

In the ages long, long ago, 
That the river of death, so dark and cold, 

Was spanned by a radiant bow; 
A rainbow bridge to the blest abode 

Of the strong Gods — free from ill, 
Where the beautiful Urda fountain flowed, 

Near the ash tree Igdrasill. 

They held that when, in life's weary march, 

They should come to that river wide, 
They would set their feet on the shining arch, 

And would pass to the other side. 
And they said that the Gods and the Heroes crossed 

That bridge from the world of light, 
To strengthen the Soul when its hope seemed lost. 

In the conflict for the right. 

O, beautiful faith of the grand old past! 

So simple, yet so sublime, 
. A light from that rainbow bridge is cast 

Par down o'er the tide of time. 
We raise our eyes, and we see above, 

The souls in their homeward march ; 
They wave their hands and they smile in love, 

Prom the height of the rainbow arch. 

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Like the crystal ladder that Jacob saw, 

Is that beautiful vision given, 
The weary pilgrims of earth to draw 

To the life of their native heaven. 
For 'tis better that souls should upward tend, 

And strive for the victor's crown, 
Thau to ask the angels .their help to lend, 

And come to man's weakness dowu. 

The sweet singer of the "banks and braes o' bonnie Doon" 
seems to speak in these lines, which purport to come from 
Robert Burns: 


You need not heed the gruesome creed 
• Which tells you o' God's anger; 
On Nature's page fnie age to age, 
His love is written stranger. 

God's providence, in ony sense, 

Has never been one-sided, 
And for the weal o' chick or chiel, 

He amply has provided. 

The winter's snaw, the birken shaw, 

The gowan3 brightly springing, 
The murky night, the rosy light, 

The laverocks gayly singing, 
The spring's return, the wimplin' burn, 

The cushat fondly mated, 
All Join to tell how unco well 

God io'es aU things created. 

Then dinna strive to live and thrive 

Sae selfish and unthinkin', 
But firmly stand, and lend a hand, 

To keep the weak frae sinkin.' 
'Tis love can make, for love's sweet sake, 

A trusty friend in sorrow, 
Wha spends his gear wi'out a fear 

O' what may be to-morrow. 

The preachers say there's far awa' 

A land o* milk and honey, 
Where all is free as barley brie, 

And wi'out price or money; 
But here the meat o' love is sweet, 

For souls in sinful blindness. 
And there's a milk that's guid for Ilk — 

"The milk o' human kindness." 

Lo! Calvin, Knox, and Luther, cry 

"I have the Truth"— "and I"— "and I."— 

"Puir sinners! if ye gang agley, 

The de'il will hae ye, 
And then the Lord will stand abeigh, 

And will na save ye." 

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But hoolie hooUe! Na sae fast; 

When Gabriel shall blaw his blast, 

And Heaven and Earth awa' have passed, 

These lang syne saints, 
Shall find baith de'il and hell at last, 

Mere pious feints. 

Tak* tent o' truth, and heed this well: 
The man who sins makes his ain hell; 
There's na waurse de'il than hi nisei'; 

But God is strongest: 
And when puir human hearts rebel, 

He haulds out longest. 

Here is the weird and melodious rhythm of Edgar A. 


From the throne of Life Eternal, 
From the home of love supernal, 

Where the angel feet make music over all the starry floor- 
Mortals, I have come to meet you, 
Come with words of peace to greet you, 

And to tell you of the glory that is mine forevermore. 

As one heart yearns for another, 

As a child turns to its mother. 
From the golden gates of glory turn I to the earth once more, 

Where I drained the cup of sadness, 

Where my soul was stung to madness, 
And life's bitter, burning billows swept my burdened being o'er. 

Here the harpies and the ravens, — 

Human vampyres, sordid cravens, — 
Preyed upon my soul and substance till I writhed in anguish sore; 

Life and I then seemed mlsmated, 

For I felt accursed and fated, 
Like a restless, wrathful spirit, wandering on the Stygian shore. 

Tortured by a nameless yearning, 

Like a frost-fire, freezing, burning, 
Did the purple, pulsing life-tide through its fevered channels pour. 

Till the golden bowl — Life's token — 

Into shining shards was broken, 
And my chained and chafing spirit leaped from out its prison door. 
* • * • * * 

O, my mortal friends and brothers! 

We are each and all another's, 
And the soul that gives most freely from its treasure hath the more; 

Would you lose your life, you find it, 

And in giving love, you bind it 
Like an amulet of safety, to your heart forevermore. 

No sudden change from sin to grace is taught. 

But, by earnest, firm endeavor 
I have gained a height sublime 

is the lesson given. 

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Here is a far different strain; its thought and merit un- 
like those of the preceding poem. 

The Spirit of Nature. 

'* The bond which unites the human to the divine is Love, and Love is the longing 
of the Soul for Beauty ; the inextinguishable desire which like feels for like, which 
the divinity within us feels for the divinity revealed to us in Beauty. Beauty is 
Truth."— FLATO. 

I have come from the heart of all natural things, 

Whose life from the Soul of the Beautiful springs; 

You shaU hear the sweet waving of corn in my voice. 

And the musical whisper of leaves that rejoice, 

For my lips have been touched by the spirit of prayer, 

Which lingers unseen in the soft summer air; 

And the smile of the sunshine that brightens the skies, 

Hath left a glad ray of its light in my eyes. 

On the sea-beaten shore — 'mid the dwellings of men — 

In the field or the forest or wild mountain glen; 

Wherever the grass or a daisy could spring, 

Or the musical laughter of childhood could ring; 

Wherever a swallow could build 'neath the eaves, 

Or a squirrel could hide in his covert of leaves, 

I have felt the sweet presence, and heard the low call, 

Of the Spirit of Nature, which quickens us alL 

This uplifting verse opens a poem entitled 

God of the Granite and the Rose! 

Soul of the Sparrow and the Bee! 
The mighty tide of Being flows 

Through countless channels. Lord, from Thee. 
It leaps to life in grass and flowers, 

Through every grade of being runs, 
Till from Creation's radiant towers 

Its glory flames in stars and suns. 

Here are words that reach the deeps of the inner life: 

By a power to thought unknown, 
Love shall ever seek its own. 
Sundered not by time or space, 
With no distant dwelling-place, 
Soul shall answer unto soul, 
As the needle to the pole. 
Leaving griefs lament unsaid, 
"Gone is gone, and dead is dead." 

Never, till our hearts are dust, 
Till our souls shall cease to trust, 
Till our love becomes a lie, 
And our aspirations die, 
Shall we cease with hope, to gaze 
On that veil's mysterious haze, 
Or the presence to implore 
Of the loved ones gone before. 

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Where shall we find such ample range of thought and 
feeling, in such fit and melodious rhythm and language? 
Emotion, tender or intense, has its melting words or its 
graphic power of expression. Pleasant memories are re- 
vived in measures soft and cheering as the strains of de- 
lightful music. Life's tragedies rise up and pass before 
us like wailing ghosts in mournful, measured procession. 
Illuminated visions are pictured in stanzas of delicate 
beauty. Messages from souls dwelling on serene heights 
come to us like the light of stars in the overarching sky. 
A divine philosophy permeates and unifies the whole. 

All this we find in these excerpts, which give only 
glimpses of the value of the poems. These books, judged 
by the merits of their poetic contents, promise rich enjoy- 
ment and lasting benefit to a wide circle of readers, in our 
own country and in other lands, who should surely become 
familiar with their luminous pages. 

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A Prophecy. 


She came before him in the simple guise 

That decks the flowret of the field and wood, 
But never fairer to his world-worn eyes 

Had seemed the beauty of her maidenhood. 
Yet missed he not sheen pearls nor vesture rare, 

Till heavy tears with sudden rush came down 
As summer cloud-gems start the dreamy air 

When darting lightnings pierce the noonday's crown. 

Awaked he then to note the boding change, 

The utter absence ot the girlish pride, 
The earnest manner, the emotion strange. 

E'en folly's ostentation cast aside. 
"Why greet with tears," he said, "and why this dress? 

In my long absence Fortune's wheel went round, 
And only stopped at mountains of success,— 

It was enough, my hopes were more than crowned. 

"I may not guess my wealth; 'tis deep and high; 
Its girt is in the years I shall not see, 

Its gold horizons toward thy sunset lie. 
For all my plans, my aims, are but for thee." 

"Alas!" she cried, "appalling is success 
That takes calamity to any heart, 

That from the wheel— the rack-wheel of distress- 
Flings dismal ruin as its counterpart. 

"You question, whence this knowledge of the moil; 

Your daughter's mind should never touch its rim; 
You kept her far from grovelling hordes of toil, 

Whose hands are smirched, whose savage souls are grim. 
Finding by chance a truth-illumined page, 

I soon disguised, stood smitten 'mid a throng 
Where want and slavery in every stage 

Had crushed the weak and galled the brave and strong. 

"Yet they portrayed less sharply than I felt: 

Their souls had lamps, my soul had sheets of flame; 
I could have there to any beggar knelt, 

And asked forgiveness for my sin and shame. 
Oh, father! they impeached such men as you 

Whose force united might reclaim the world; 
On friends I deem most noble, wise, and true 

The plundering, murderous brigand's name was hurled. 

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"And I your idol, selfish, useless, blind, 

Whose casket symbolizes woe of heart; 
Whose wasteful wealth that keeps one life enshrined 

Leaves shrinking pale ones passion's reeking mart; 
Leaves famine to the mother and her brood, 

And to half-famished manhood bitter thought 
Of death's deep bed beneath the icy flood, 

Or wild revenge by torch or dagger wrought. 

"Through tear-lens of keen sympathy I trace 

The matted wrongs that God with pity views; 
The wrested heritage, the exiled race, 

The reckless havoc speculation strews. 
But mortgage rests on each inhuman claim, 

No scheming magnates can remove its weight, 
And swift foreclosure must result the same 

As in the hosts and chariot riders' fate." 

She paused, transfigured with overwhelming prayer. 

That swelled for wretchedness throughout the earth*. 
•Her soul-throbs knocking on the door of care 

That shuts from mortals all that life is worth. 
To him, as in the twinkling of an eye, 

Stern Truth confronted ancient codes of fraud, 
Of sanctioned wrongs, of crimes that underlie 

Man's dire transactions— blasphemies of God. 

Then memory turns the "volume of the Book" 
That brands oppressors and defends the weak, * 

Whose holy inspirations never brook 
The base achievements wily graspers seek. 

Greed's condemnation stamped on every verse- 
In vain the rich man scans the sacred word; 

The plea, the mandate, prophecy, and curse 
Once scarcely noticed, now like thunder heard. 

Can he exclaim, "Who thwarts the Father's plan 

Defeats the answer to the Saviour's prayer" ? . 
The soul's Accuser cries, "Thou art the man, 

Though of thy sin uncounted thousands share." 
It is for him to take with spirit bold, 

With patriotic fire and potent zeal, 
Christ's golden rule for Mammon's rule of gold. 

That henceforth he may work for human weal. 

It is for her like Miriam by the sea 
To lift her voice, not with triumphal strain, 

But. with a Marseillaise the land to free 
From hard Monopoly's imperial reign. 

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One of the most interesting characters at the World's 
Fair at Chicago was the simple-hearted and earnest champion 
of his people, Simon Pokagon, chief of the now small tribe 
of Pottawatomie Indians. This tribe, it will be remembered, 
sprang from the powerful Algonquin family. 

There was a peculiar, if gloomy, interest attached to the 
appearance as well as the address of this chief of a vanishing 
tribe and race, owing to the fact that in the boyhood of this 
patriarch the very spot occupied by Chicago was the home 
of the Indian, and where to-day stand the palatial residences 
of such men as George M. Pullman, Marshall Field, and 
Philip D. Armour, was the scene of the massacre of the 
garrison of Fort Dearborn by the Pottawatomies. In this 
connection I desire to quote a graphic description of the 
past and present relating to this memorable place as given 
by Mr. W. T. Stead.* 

On the rim of the shore of Lake Michigan, on a spot then a desolate 
waste of sand hills, but now crowded with palaces, stands, leafless and 
twigless, the trunk of an old cottonwood tree, which marks the site 
of the massacre of the garrison. Four score years and more have 
passed since the thirsty sand drank the life-blood of the victims of that 
Indian war, but still, the gaunt witness of the fight looks down upon 
the altered scene. In 1812, when the British were at war with the 
French in Europe, our Canadian representatives were busy lighting and 
diplomatizing against the French and their allies on the Great Lakes. 
The Americans had struck in on their own account on the side of the 
French, and the British had just whipped them out of Detroit and Michi- 
gan. War is war, and British and Americans fought on, each using as 
best it could the Indian tribes which swarmed in the unsettled country. 
The British made allies of Tecumseh, the great chief of the Pottawat- 
omies, and Fort Dearborn, the American outpost at Chicago, became the 
immediate objective point of the allies after the Americans had been driven 
out of Detroit and Michigan. The officer in charge, Capt. Heald, a weak 
incompetent, decided to evacuate by arrangement with the Indians. 
Whether this decision was right or wrong, he carried it out in the worst 
possible way. He first summoned the Indians to a council and promised 
them all the goods in the fort, including the ammunition and fire-water, 
and then broke his word by throwing all the powder and shot down a 
well and emptying the liquor into the river. The Indians, furious at 

*" If Chriit Came to Chicago." 


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this breach of faith, waited until the little party had reached the open, 
a good mile distant from the fort, when they attacked and massacred all 
but twenty-five soldiers and eleven women and children. The scene of 
the massacre is marked by the venerable trunk of the cotton wood tree, 
while close by the genius of a Dane has commemorated, at the cost of 
a millionnaire, the evacuation and the massacre, in a spirited group 
surmounting a pedestal with bas-reliefs. 

The sculptor by a happy inspiration has selected as his motif the one 
incident of that bloody fray that possesses other than a gory interest. 
While the Pottawatomies were scalping or tomahawking the palefaces, 
regardless either of sex or age, Mrs. Helm, the daughter of Mr. Kinzie, 
the patriarchal settler of early Chicago, was rescued from imminent 
death by Black Partridge, an Indian chief who had long known and 
loved her father. The group on the summit of the pedestal represents 
Mrs. Helm desperatelv struggling to seize her assailant's scalping-knife, 
while the splendid chief, Black Partridge, intervenes to snatch her from 
her impending doom. The surgeon, who was slain, is receiving his 
death-blow at her feet, while a frightened child weeps, scared by the 
gleam of the tomahawk and the firing of the muskets. The bas- 
reliefs, which are not in very much relief, tell the story of the evacua- 
tion, the march, and the massacre, and enable the least imaginative 
observer, as he looks out over the gray expanse of the lake, to picture 
something of the din and alarm of that bloody August day, and to recall, 
too, something of the elements of heroism and of humanity which 
redeemed the grim tale of Indian war. 

With the mind full of the Pottawatomies and their tomahawks, pon- 
dering upon the possibilities of latent goodness surviving in the midst of 
the scalping-knife savagery of the redskin tribes, you tear yourself away 
from the traditions of Black Partridge, the Kinzies, and the rest, and find 
yourself confronted by the palaces of millionnaires. Mr. George M. 
Pullman's stately mansion stands in the shade of the cottonwoocf tree, 
his conservatory is erected upon the battle-field, and he lives and dines 
and sleeps where the luckless garrison made its last rally. Prairie 
Avenue, which follows the line of march, is a camping-ground of million- 
naires. Within an area of five blocks forty of the sixty members of the 
Commercial Club have established their homes. Mr. Marshall Field and 
Mr. Philip Annour live near together on the east side of the avenue a 
little further south. Prolnbly there are as many millions of dollars to 
the square inch of this residential district as are to be found in any equal 
area on the world's surface. It is the very Mecca of Mammon, the 
Olympus of the great gods of Chicago. 

What strange instinct led these triumphant and militant chiefs of the 
Choctaw civilization of our time to cluster so thickly around the bloody 
battle-field of their Pottawatomie forbears? "Methinks the place is 
haunted," and a subtle spell woven of dead men's bones attracts to the 
scene of the massacre the present representatives of a system doomed to 
vanish like that of the redskins before the advancing civilization of the 
new social era. Four score and two years have hardly passed since the 
braves of Tecumseh slew the children in the Dearborn baggage wagon ; 
but the last of the Pottawatomies have long since vanished from the land 
over which they roamed the undisputed lords. 

Long before" four score years have rolled by the millionnaire may be 
as searee as the Pottawatomie, and mankind may look back upon the his- 
tory of trusts and combines and competitions with the same feelings of 
amazement and compassion that we now look back upon the social system 
that produced Tecumseh and Black Partridge. How the change will 
come we may not be able to see any more tlian the Pottawatomies were 
able to foresee the value of the real estate on which Chicago was built. 
They parted with it in fee simple for three cents an acre, and did not get 

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even that. But the Pottawatomie passed and the inillionnaire will pass, 
and men will marvel that such things could be. 

On Chicago Day Liberty bell was rung for the first time 
during the Exposition** and Chief Pokagon was selected to 
ring the bell and also to deliver an address. During the 
course of his remarks, which were delivered in the presence 
of more than half a million people, he made the following 
touching and suggestive utterances : 

Through the untiring efforts of a few friends of another race I greet 
you. If any of you, my countrymen, feel the sting of neglect because 
your rights have been ignored in taking part in the World's great Fair 
until now, I beseech you to lay aside all bitterness of spirit, and with 
hearts so pure and good that these noble mothers and daughters that have 
so labored in our behalf for this may rejoice that the kind seed they have 
sown has not fallen on dry and barren ground. 

Let us not crucify ourselves by going over the bloody trails we have 
trod in other days; but rather let us look up and rejoice* in thankfulness 
in the present, for out of the storm-cloud of darkness that is round about 
us we now see helping hands stretched out to aid and strengthen us, while 
above the roar and crash of the cyclone of civilization are heard many 
voices demanding that to the red man justice must be done. 

In my infancy I was taught to love my chief and tribe ; but since then 
the great West has been swallowed up by the white man, and by adop- 
tion we are the children of this great Kepublic, hence we must teach 
loyalty to this nation to our children, and solemnly impress them that 
the war-path leads but to the grave. 

The question comes up to us again and again, " What can be done for 
the best good of the remnant of our race?" The answer to me is plain 
and clear, and it matters not how distasteful it may seem to us. We 
must give up the pursuits of our fathers. However dear we love the 
chase we must give it up. We must teach our children to give up the 
bow and arrow that is born in their hearts ; and in place of the gun we 
must take the plough and live as the white men do. They are all around 
about our homes. The game is gone never to return ; hence it is vain to 
talk about support from game and fish. Many of our people are now 

* The Newg of Plymouth. Mich., on Feb. 8, 1893, obnerved editorially that " the 
elder Pokagon was one of the chiefs to whom was ceiled by treaty the ground on 
which Chicago now stands, and which was afterward conveyed back to the govern, 
ment through conniving of the swindling agents, for a consideration that amounted 
to about three cents per acre." 

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By The Author 

My nlijiml inipihMahlTig the "Red Men's Greeting" on Uir hark of the white birch 

tree ' lB oat of ^^ t0 w ow * P^opif. ft«d cntutmintr^iHMiniiipmr, who in his 

■"iTOHom oroylded for our use (o r untold generatio n *, this most remarkable tree with 
manifold bark used by v% mste»!flipWimfc of grr.uer v*hie to us as U could 
not be toured by sod or water. mmmtm&m*——***—'* mm 

iwflHlirf Mi l h a r k QUhJMWi*r;til H-ee m-p' mad*- h:it^ t raps and dl> 
mesUe use , whUe oar maide n a Ued with it the knot that ealed tlieir 1 !Mrf HRI 1 Ww • B 

wfcwams '•■HiUUliUUl l . , l4 we n i 1 1 i i i . i w Wil li outrode the violent storajiannnn 

lake and sea; It was also \Mmk*mH^*mm> furl at » ur war c imcile and si mi dances. 
Originally the shore* of our D or thnra ringed u EUl It and ever- 

green, aod the white charmingly contrast- mrrored .*n»m the watenv 

was indeed beautiful, but like tin* red man thi< tree 1* vanishing from our forest* 
"Alan Iff mWffilayU o'er ^ 
Our fires are out f ie Hl l ! Um ' Ir HWo r f ; 


No more for us the wild «> rr tiflWffllP***^ - "^ ■" ^* 
TJio plow La on our hunting grounds. 
nnnknnpnnpnnnnrK ax HugH through our woods. 
The pair man's Ball •■kiii^ o'er Roods ; 
Our pleasant ■pringaarrritT\^ M ^^^^^^^ 
Our children -I<N>k.byT»owr^pprvs!Jr7t^^ 
Beyond tin- mountains of the west- ^■■■■■■■■■■■■■1 

Ourcblldern go— to die." 


successful in raising grain and stock. What they have done we all can 
do. Our children must learn. They owe no allegiance to any clan or 
power on earth except the United States. They must learn and love to 
wear the stars and stripes, and at all times to rejoice that they are Amer- 
ican citizens. 

Our children must he educated and learn the different trades of the 
w'hite men. Thanks to the Great Spirit, this government has already 
established a few schools for that purpose, and to learn of the success 
you have hut to visit the Indians' school in these grounds, examine the 
work of the children, see the different articles they have made, examine 
their writing-books, and you will he convinced that they will be able to 
compete with the dominant nice. 

I was pained to learn that some who should have been interested in 
our people discouraged our coining to the Fair, claiming openly that 
we are heartless, soulless, and godless. Now let us all as one pray the 
Great Spirit that he will open the eyes of their understanding and 
teach them to know that we are human as well as they; tench them to 
know that 

Within the recess of the native's soul 

There is is a secret place, which God doth hold; 

And though the storms of life do war around, 

Yet still within His image fixed is found. 

I am getting to be an old man. I often feel one foot is uplifted to step 
into the world beyond. But I am thankful that the measure of my days 
has been lengthened out, that I am able to stand before you in this 
great congress of people, in this four hundredth year of the white 
man's advent in our fathers' land. 

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The breadth of thought and the innate spirituality which 
permeate this address are no less marked than the stoical 
acceptance of conditions with an earnest determination to make 
the best of circumstances as they exist. 

Some months prior to the opening of the Exposition Chief 
Pokagon published a little booklet entitled " The Red Men's 
Greeting," printed on the bark of the white birch tree. 
This " Greeting " was pitched in a minor key. The plaintive 
note of the representative of a warrior race who had beheld 
the glory of his people vanish characterizes it throughout. It 
is so entirely out of the ordinary in all particulars that I re- 
produce in this paper the author's preface enlarged and photo- 
graphed from a leaf of the birch bark on which it is printed. 

Mrs. Flower reviewed this work in The Arena on its 
appearance, which called forth an interesting letter, from 
which I quote the following extract: 

I have written especially for you a brief article on " Geese," hoping 
the reading of it will please you. Of course you know our race love 
the chase, which leads our minds to see many strange things in the brute 
creation that awaken our mirth. ' If the article does not interest you, 
receive it and think of it as the author wrote it and sends it to you. 

The enclosure referred to above is one of the most char- 
acteristic, and in some particulars unique, sketches I have 
read in years, simple in treatment and revealing in a marked 
degree the child mind, while carrying with it the keen per- 
ception of the true son of the forest, coupled with ethical 
deductions as relating to man's life which suggest the ancient 
stoic philosopher, as will be seen by the copy given below. 


Having studied the habits and languages of beasts, birds, and insect? 
of forest and field since early childhood, I have obtained a knowledge of 
them not learned in books. 

In this article I shall present a few interesting peculiarities of the 
goose family. In springtime of each year these fowls have their court- 
ship and marriage. All the geese-men select the oldest goose-woman of 
the flock or society, age being admired above all other qualifications for 
a good wife. Hence, in view of so many suitors for the oldest goose- 
woman, it can only be settled in a fair "field fight in single combats. 
Everything must be fair on both sides. Two men geese march out in 
front of the flock, straighten up in front of each other, firmly grasping 
in their bills the feathers on each other's necks, while they commence 
pounding each other with their wings in a most brutal manner, being 
cheered by the flock in wild strains of admiration. When one gives up 
the contest, another takes his turn, and so on until there is but one 
acknowledged hero, and he, amid cheers and shouts, marches off with his 
choice, the oldest dame goose of the flock, who congratulates him on his 
success, telling him how long and well he fought, and how proud she is 
of him ; promising how she will strive to be a good wife, on account of 

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the great sacrifice he has made for her, while he joyfully drinks in all 
her flattery, smiles and laughs, and, puffing, chats, telling her how he 
would sooner have died in the fight than to have lost her, his first and 
only choice. And so the contest goes on, until each man goose in turn is 
the acknowledged hero of the remaining flock, and marches in turn with 
the oldest woman goose as his bride, all of which laugh and chat 
together, apparently well satisfied with the result ; when all have paired 
off but the remaining woman goose, who may be a handsome bright- 
eyed maiden, the last man goose takes her as his bride with a dis- 
appointed heart, while she, poor maiden, accepts him through force of 
circumstances, with saddest of feelings, cheered by hopes alone that the 
time will come when on account of her age she will be sought for as her 
older sisters have been. 

After the last pair have reluctantly agreed to become man and wife, 

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It there are auy left of the flock of either sex unprovided for, they tag 
mound after tiie last pair as mourners of the unhappy marriage. I 
luxe cUwely watched these husbands and wives as they have commenced 
iu>u<iokcv|>iiig, have seen them pluck the down from their bodies and line 
their iu»sti», talking over with each other the prospects of the future, and 
when the eggs* were laid amid the softest down, have seen both man and 
wife ttuard them with equal care. In childhood, I thought this mode of 
Htvurmg wives would lead to disagreement and discord ; yet not having 
know n of a case of divorce among them, I watched them still closer and 
have not heard an unkind word or seen an unkind look. Have watched 
thorn when their gosling children were first hatched, and seen each guard 
them with greatest care, and with their bended necks stretched over their 
little brood, with chats and laughs tenderly lead them to some pond or 
river side, then into the water with them swim. 

1 have admired the first opening flowers of spring, and joyed to see 
young lambs skip and play, yet never has my admiration with joy been 
so moved as when I've seen* these infant goslings by their parents led 
Into the waters of some stream or lake, ana gently, with their parents, 
float about as if moved by some power divine, the very semblance of 
themselves just beneath the surface of the rippling waves. 

And to myself oft have said, " How strange it is 1 " Before the mar- 
riage vow is said these geese-men select their wives without their consent 
and tight it out against all rivalry, but when settled down in life all 
" man s rights *' are laid aside and " woman's rights ,% are never born, 
but u equal rights v are all in all. 

Chief Pokagon, 
Author of " Red Men's Greeting," 
Hartford, Mich. 

Mrs. Flower had prepared notes for a sketch of the life of 
this venerable head of a once powerful tribe, when she was 
stricken with a severe illness from overwork. I communi- 
cated these facts to the chief, and received the following 
touching and appreciative letter, which is elsewhere repro- 
duced in fac-simile : 

Hartford, Mich., Sept. 12, 1895. 
My dear Sir: 

Your favor of the 9th at liand. 

As I read what you said of your wife's illness my heart responded, 
" How verv sad that one so young, so fair and wise, should suffer so, and 
perhaps it has all been brought about in laboring for others." lam fully 
satisfied to accept her intentions for what she intended to say of me. 

I am getting to be an old man, passing over the thresholdof my home 
here into the wigwam beyond where there are many rooms. I trust and 
believe that your wife may fully recover, and that she may be spared 
many years to benefit her race. If you think it will not disturb her, say 
to her that she has my l>est wishes and the prayers of my heart. 

Very respectfully yours, 

S. Pokagon. 

Tliis noble representative of the red man has been a 
strenuous advocate of temperance and virtue. On one 
occasion he wrote : 

When I am gone I wish no stone to rise above my last resting-place as 
oft is done, to tell, not what men were, but what they should have been. 
However, I desire to leave upon the printed page an epitaph which aU 

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may read. That shall be my most solemn protest and prayer against the 
introduction of alcohol in any form among my people ; ancl to accomplish 
that desire of my heait I see" no hope except by the complete overthrow 
of the rum-shop and the destruction of all that can intoxicate, together 
with cigarettes, the father and mother of palsy and cancer. 

In touching upon the subject of the Indian, even in a 
cursory manner, I cannot forbear expressing my strong con- 
victions in regard to this race, which, as it appears to me, has 
been so ruthlessly treated by our civilization, — a civilization 
claiming to be based on a universal brotherhood. To me few 
subjects are at once so humiliating, pathetic, and essentially 
tragic as the history of the Indian so rapidly disappearing 
from our continent in the light of the treatment received by 
him from a civilization which claims to follow the meek and 
lowly Galilean. 

It has been observed that the early Spanish conquerors of 
the Western Hemisphere used the sword and the cross ; the 
writer sagely remarking that after the sword had done its 
work the cross was raised over the lifeless form. Nor have 
we of the more northern climes much to boast of over the 
Spaniards. It is true that the treatment meted out to the 
Indians by such Christ-like souls as William Penn and 
Roger Williams stands in bright relief against the inky 
background of betrayal, appropriation of the Indian's land 
and slaughter of his people ; but such instances, while 
revealing the potentiality of conquest on the spiritual plane, 
its feasibility and its practicability, are merely the exceptions 
to the rule which mark the savagery of a civilization which 
claims to follow the mandates of the Sermon on the Mount. 
It is true that the Indian retaliated, and was in many cases 
the aggressor, if we can call people the aggressors who 
object to having their native land taken from them by 
aliens. This sentiment has been well put from the Indians' 
point of view in the following stanza : 

Shall not one line lament our forest race, 
For you struck out from wild creation's face? 
Freedom ! — the self-same freedom you adore — 
Bade us defend our violated shore. 

Of the savagery and brutality exhibited by the Indian in 
many cases, I would merely observe that it is manifestly 
unfair to judge them by the standards of a people who have 
enjoyed Christian civilization for many centuries and who have 
behind them the lessons and warnings, the glory and the 
gloom of Roman, Grecian, Syrian, Chaldean, and Egyptian 

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civilizations. Moreover, if one calls to mind the methods 
which marked the terrible religious struggle of the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries in Europe, and will remember how 
human ingenuity was taxed to its utmost to devise methods 
of horrible torture which were remorselessly meted out by 
those claiming to be Christians to others claiming to be 
Christians, he will, I think, feel it wisest to pass very 
lightly over the charge of excessive cruelty on the part 
of those he flippantly terms savages. Had the Indian 
submitted more tamely he would have been characterized by 
this same self-engrossed class, who delight in echoing the bru- 
tally false phrase that " there is no good Indian but a dead 
Indian," as cowardly and unworthy of the land which for 
unnumbered generations had been the land of his fathers. 

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In the December number of the Forum appears an elabo- 
rate article from the pen of Paul Leroy Beaulieu on the 
financial policy which America should pursue.* 

When he says that " there is not a single European coun- 
try, in a normal financial condition, that attaches the slightest 
importance to bimetallism," to put it mildly, it is strongly 
suggestive of a belief on his part that the masses of the 
American people are unable to read. 

When he attempts to belittle the bimetallic theory by dis- 
paraging such men as Balfour, Cernushi, and Emile de 
Laveleye, he should at least accompany the disparagement by 
some argument showing the unsoundness of that theory. 

When, referring to issues of paper money, he says, " It is 
only professional bankers, constantly mingling in the daily 
current of the country's business, who can with competency 
and tact acquit themselves of the task of furnishing this 
substitute for money in the proper proportions, varying as 
these do from day to day," it reads as if some " professional 
banker " had been whispering in his ear as he wrote. 

M. Beaulieu claims that the "conditions for American 
financial supremacy " are the following : First, that all issues 
of paper money should be made by the banks ; second, that 
we should establish the gold standard pure and simple, using 
silver only in a subordinate way. 

In support of these contentions, as before stated, M. Beau- 
lieu presents nothing that is new and nothing that reaches 
the heart of either question. 


On this point about the subst?- ce of his claim is that a 
bank can protect its gold reserve oy raising the rate of dis- 

. * There is nothing in the article that should disturb the mind of a bimetallic, but 
some of them have feared the effect of anything from the pen of a French writer of 
some repute who assumes the rdle of a disinterested and sympathetic adviser. 

It is only in the latter view that the article merits consideration, for it is essen- 
tially and intrinsically weak. It contains nothing by way of argument that could 
not have been gleaned from the editorial columns of a few of our leading gold- 
standard newspapers published any week during the last two years. 

If it had been written by plain John Smith of New York or Chicago, it would 
have attracted no attention whatever. In troth, the general tone of the article is 
disappointing to one who naturally expected to see the subject placed upon a rather 
elevated plane of discussion when handled by M. Beaulieu. 


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count, while a State cannot. Hence, that a bank is better 
prepared to redeem its notes with coin than a State can be. 

Concede that for the sake of the discussion, and it still 
falls a long way short of covering the problem. 

In the firet place he ignores what ought to be obvious, the 
fact that there is a great deal more necessity for a bank to 
maintain a strong reserve than for the Government of a 
powerful and wealthy State to do so. A bank has nothing 
behind its notes but its own resources. The Government has 
the resources of the entire country at command through the 
power of taxation. Again, banks are engaged in all sorts of 
speculative ventures, and they are so largely interdepend- 
ent that a failure of one frequently involves the failure of 

In times of panic the credit of no private bank is above 
suspicion. No bank can maintain a sufficient reserve to meet 
all of its outstanding obligations. And hence, in seasons of 
financial disturbance, many a perfectly solvent institution has 
been forced to the wall by runs that are simply the result of 
causeless fright. The only run upon the United States 
Treasury that is ever likely to occur is to satisfy a demand 
for gold for export. Gold is not withdrawn from our national 
treasury because of waning confidence in the Government's 
solvency, but merely because it is needed for export and can 
be obtained there more easily than in any other quarter. 

If the banks were issuing our paper money it would not 
make the foreign demand for gold any weaker. Consequently 
the banks would have to respond not only to the demands 
of the exporters of gold, but to those of frightened depositors 
and the timorous holders of their notes as well. Nor is there 
any reason to believe that the financial wisdom of the bankers 
would enable them to furnish the notes in " proper propor- 
tions," thus giving the people a flexible currency in accord- 
ance with their needs, varying from day to day. In the 
issuance of circulating notes banks are governed by their 
own interests. They will expand the volume when they can 
profit by doing so, and contract it whenever their necessities 
demand, regardless of the effect upon others. It is a matter 
of common, every-day knowledge, that as an almost invariable 
rule banks restrict their credits at the very time when an 
enlargement is most needed. The raising of the discount 
upon which M. Beaulieu relies for the protection of the re- 
serve Is itself nothing less than a contraction of the currency, 

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always depressing prices to the injury of the producer and 
the advantage of those who control the money supply. 

On this point he makes a banker's argument in the most 
ultra sense. He sees nothing but the maintenance of their 
reserves and the consequent preservation of a parity between 
their notes and coin. Whether the people have many dol- 
lars, few dollars, or no dollars at all, like some of our Ameri- 
can economists he seems to think that national prosperity is 
assured if one dollar can only be kept as good as every other 
dollar. And while assuming this to be the prime essential, 
he offers no proof whatever of their ability to maintain specie 
payments, and knowing that the moment they failed to re- 
deem one of their own notes in gold on demand, they, the 
notes, would depreciate, and we would be confronted by all 
the evils of the " wild cat " money which beset the country 
prior to 1860. 

If it be said that their notes would be secured by United 
States bonds, it may be replied that bonds are not money, 
they are simply collateral security. When a note is presented 
to a bank and the gold demanded, presumably it is because 
the gold is wanted, and not bonds. The bonds are surely no 
better than the Government itself which issues the bonds ; 
and yet we are assured that United States notes will depre- 
ciate the moment the Government fails to redeem in gold on 
demand. Besides, if notes are to be issued solely on the 
basis of United States bonds, it involves not only a perpetua- 
tion of our interest-bearing debt, but a vast increase of it in 
order to keep pace with the ever-increasing needs of the 
people for currency. 

If other securities are to be issued as a basis of circulation, 
then the uniformity of the security would be lost. Different 
banks would be issuing notes based on bonds differing in 
character and value, which in seasons of distrust might very 
seriously affect the notes themselves. 

M. Beaulieu contends that as our paper currency was 
created to meet the exigencies of war, it should have been re- 
tired as speedily as possible after the return of peace ; but the 
only reason he gives is that other countries have generally 
done so. That, however, is no reason at all. If every other 
nation in the world should deliberately engage in the work of 
oppressing the debtor for the benefit of the creditor, it would 
not justify the United States in doing so. 

And that is exactly what the retirement of paper currency 

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so issued does. When a nation under financial stress issues 
a large amount of paper money, the expansion of the currency 
always raises prices to a higher level. Contracts are made 
and the business of the country is adjusted to that price level. 
Creditors are paid in cheaper money than the money of the 
contract, but as a rule they find more than an equivalent in 
the general prosperity that comes from rising prices. 

But when the currency is contracted by the calling in of 
the war issues, prices fall and the pinch upon the debtor and 
producer is terrible. The fall of prices not only increases 
the burden of debt, but frequently so paralyzes business that 
hundreds of thousands and millions of people are forced into 
idleness, and either consume the savings of former years or 
become a charge upon others. In short, a rise of prices 
nearly always stimulates business, while a fall of prices has a 
depressing effect. 

Hence comes the question : The money supply of a country 
having been largely increased, prices having risen to a higher 
level and business having adjusted itself to that level, why 
should the paper currency be retired and prices once more 
driven down to a lower plane? Who is benefited by it? 
Not the man loaded down with debt. Not he who is engaged 
in any legitimate productive enterprise. None, in fact, real- 
ize any advantage but a few creditors and holders of fixed 
incomes. Even of these many have other interests through 
which they are injured more than they are benefited by an 
appreciation of money. 

When a certain price level has been attained, either by 
large additions to the stock of metallic money or by paper 
issues, no good reason has ever been given why that price 
level should be arbitrarily lowered. Such a lowering has 
never taken place save for the benefit of those whose inter- 
ests as creditors predominate over all of their other interests. 

This is a phase of the question that has never received 
adequate consideration at the hands of monetary writers, 
and it is one of the greatest importance. In a loose, general 
way, Government issues of legal tender paper have been 
classed as ordinary debts, to be paid off at the earliest pos- 
sible moment. The distinction, however, is very broad. If 
a private individual owe a hundred dollars represented by a 
promissory note, it is to his interest of course to pay it and 
be rid of the burden. In doing so he harms nobody, because 
his note concerns only himself and the holder. 

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But Government legal tender paper, while in a sense repre- 
senting a debt, is also a part of the money supply of the 
country, helping to measure the value of every piece of 
property within its borders. Therefore every dollar of such 
paper redeemed is just so much money withdrawn from cir- 
culation, with the effect of lowering the money value of 
property, which always bears heavily upon the producers and 
those in debt. 

M. Beaulieu entirely fails to make it clear why the green- 
backs, which enabled the Government to fight to a successful 
issue one of the greatest wars of history, and which have per- 
fectly performed the duty of money for nearly thirty-four 
years, should now be treated as an element of danger and 
retired, either to leave the currency depleted, or to be sup- 
planted by bank notes of more than doubtful value. 


His treatment of this most important of all monetary 
questions is even more unsatisfactory than his manner of 
dealing with paper issues. About two thirds of his entire 
article is devoted to this theme, but he does not discuss the 
principles involved at all. He simply tells us that the 
leading nations of Europe have permanently advanced it, 
and that " the financiers and capitalists — that is to say, the 
only persons competent to express an opinion — are almost 
unanimously for the single gold standard." 

I desire to be highly respectful to M. Beaulieu, but there 
is nevertheless a strong temptation to say that any man who 
will endeavor to dispose of a great economic question which 
affects every civilized being on the surface of the planet by 
declaring that nobody is competent to express an opinion upon 
it but financiers and capitalists, furnishes at least presumptive 
evidence of his own unfitness to deal with the question. If 
the issue could be disposed of in that easy way, the " financiers 
and capitalists " would certainly be in clover. 

All men who are engaged in any kind of business in which 
terms of money are employed are interested in money, its 
quantity and its character. 

The man whose work is of a productive nature is certainly 
interested in the price which he is to obtain for his product, 
whatever that product may be. This price necessarily depends 
upon the amount of money which is available for the purchase 
of the particular product. All business being done on the 

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basis of " price," the question of money concerns everybody 
who is connected with business either as an employer or 
employee. Whether a man be competent to express an 
opinion upon it, depends entirely upon his intelligence and 
the extent of his research. 

Why a man who is raising potatoes to be sold for " money" 
cannot study the subject of " money " in its relation to 
potatoes quite as intelligently as the man who simply loans 
money, charging interest for its use, M. Beaulieu makes no 
effort to explain. He simply elevates his financier and 
capitalist upon a mountain height of assumed superiority, 
and in effect tells all other men that it is useless for them to 
study the monetary question, for they will not be able to 
understand it if they do. 

M. Beaulieu's fitness to discuss the question of bimetallism 
is further impeached by the fact that he begins his argument 
with a reference to the insignificance of the silver product of 
the United States compared with other products, as if the 
struggle for the restoration of bimetallism involved nothing 
more than a raising of the market price of silver for the 
benefit of the miner. 

It is essentially a Wall Street argument (?), one of those 
crafty plays by which the real issue has been obscured and 
millions of honest men deceived. 

If silver is to be destroyed as money because the market 
value of the annual product of our mines is only thirty-seven 
and a half million dollars, as he says, why would not a 
similar argument apply to gold? From 1873 to 1893 the 
average annual production of the gold mines of the United 
States was considerably less than that figure. 

The value of our silver product or of the gold production 
to the miner is only an infinitesimal part of the question. It 
must be borne in mind that they have both, from the earliest 
ages, been treated as money metals, — agencies by which the 
values of other things are determined. The effect of practi- 
cally destroying one of them as a measure of value and de- 
volving the entire function of standard money upon the 
other is scarcely noticed by M. Beaulieu. 

And yet what he says concerning the market price of sil- 
ver bullion does possess a certain value in the discussion as 
it has been conducted in America. Many of the advocates 
of the gold standard have quite persistently claimed that the 
demonetization of silver has had no effect upon its value. 

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Even Mr. Carlisle has declared that silver fell, not because of 
demonetization, but as a result of "enormous over-produc- 
tion." M. Beaulieu tells us that if all civilized nations 
should adopt the gold standard, silver would probably " fix 
itself between twenty-five pence and twenty-eight pence per 
ounce," at which price " it would be nearly stable." 

By what method of calculation he arrives at these figures, 
or by what process of economic reasoning he reaches the con- 
clusion that at those figures the price would be nearly stable, 
he fails to inform us. Had he attempted a demonstration, 
he would have at once realized the vast difference between 
glittering generalities and rational deductions. 

In fact, the statement is not only a mere arbitrary assump- 
tion on his part, but, speaking with all due respect, it is ab- 
surd. No human being is competent to say what the gold 
price of silver would be under .the conditions he names. 
Unless there should be a very marked falling off in the pro- 
duction, it is morally certain that the price would be consid- 
erably lower than it is now. Beyond that no economist 
mindful of his reputation would feel safe in going. 

The statement is wholly unimportant except in the admis- 
sion that a further demonetization of silver would lead to a 
still further shrinkage in its market price. M. Beaulieu 
probably did not realize the significance of this admission, 
because, when analyzed, it goes to the very core of the ques- 
tion, which his own argument fails to touch. 

How would the adoption of the gold standard by all civil- 
ized nations affect the price of silver ? In two ways. First, 
it would lessen the demand for silver for monetary use, and, 
second, it would increase the demand for gold for that same 

Unless production should increase pro rata,, — of which a 
little later, — an increased demand for gold to be coined 
into money would necessarily enhance its value. 

This means a still further fall in the prices of commodi- 
ties and property. It is scarcely conceivable that any writer 
will seriously argue that the value of gold can rise without a 
corresponding fail in the prices of those things which gold 

If M. Beaulieu is prepared to make such a claim, his 
friends in all kindness should advise him to permanently re- 
tire from the field of economic literature. So the concession 
that silver will fall in price as a result of further demoneti- 

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zation carries with it tlie corollaiy that under normal condi- 
tions of production gold will rise in value, and this simply 
means that the prices of commodities and property measured 
by the gold standanl must fall. 

M. Beaulieu does not deny the great fall in prices that has 
taken place during the last twenty-two years in countries 
that use gold as their standard money, but he denies that it 
has been caused by an appreciation of gold. Technically he 
may be right. A fall of prices cannot l>e fairly said to have 
been caused by an appreciation of gold. It is an apprecia- 
tion of gold. Value is merely a term of relation indicating 
the rates at which two tilings will exchange for each other. 
Hence, when wheat falls relatively to gold, the latter must 
rise relatively to the wheat. 

Whatever the cause may be, the fact is that an ounce of 
gold will now exchange for nearly twice as much of commodi- 
ties in general as it would twenty-two years ago. If that 
does not indicate that gold is more valuable than formerly, 
then there is no meaning in words. 

A man who had $100,000 in gold in 1873 and has it now, 
can buy with it nearly or quite twice as much of the products 
of other men's labors as he could at the former date. In 
effect, he is twice as rich, and still we are gravely assured 
that there has been no appreciation of gold. 

M. Beaulieu repeats the well-worn claim that prices have 
fallen because of " considerable increase of production, the 
progress in industrial methods, and the application of science 
to this production." Briefly, this is increased production 
and nothing more, because improved methods can only affect 
prices by increasing production. 

He glides smoothly over thus point, asserting dogmatically 
that increased production has been the cause, but making no 
effort whatever to prove it. Even within the limits of a 
magazine article, he might have found space for a few speci- 
fications. Surely, if he had been in possession of any proofs, 
he would have presented some of them. He was keenly on 
the alert to give figures on points altogether prophetic and 
almost immaterial, but upon the vital claim of over-produc- 
tion he contents himself with a mere general assertion, leav- 
ing the bimetallist to prove the negative. 

It is a well-known fact that between 1850 and 1870 
wholesale prices rose upon an average about twenty per cent. 
It is equally well known that since 1870 they have fallen 

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nearly fifty per cent. Such a change is nothing less than 
phenomenal. Something of an extraordinary character must 
have occurred to produce it. What was that extraordinary 

We know that in 1873 the monetary system of Europe 
and America was revolutionized by the practical abandon- 
ment of silver as standard money. 

Can M. Beaulieu suggest anything in the way of mechani- 
cal improvement that will compare in importance with the 
virtual destruction of nearly one half the metallic money of 
Europe and America ? The opinion is respectfully ventured 
that he cannot. 

Money is one side of every business transaction. Conse- 
quently anything which affects the supply of money must 
affect the prices of all things that are measured by money. 

We know that silver has been demonetized. We do not 
know of any unusual increase of production. On the con- 
trary, the best attainable evidence is the other way. Prof. 
Sauerbeck is the highest living authority, and his carefully 
prepared tables show that the increase was much greater 
from 1850 to 1870 than it was from 1870 to 1890. He 
states that during the first twenty years production increased 
two and three quarters per cent annually, while during the 
latter twenty the increase was only one and one sixth, — less 
than half as much. 

Still in the face of a vastly increased production prices 
rose twenty per cent during the former period, while with 
less than half the increase during the latter they fell twice 
twenty per cent. 

The economic writer who denies that the demonetization 
of silver has lowered prices is simply closing his eyes to 
what ought to be self-evident, and seeking blindly for purely 
theoretical and speculative causes. 

Not only does M. Beaulieu ignore the obvious cause of 
falling prices, but to the distress resulting therefrom he ap- 
peals to be entirely oblivious, for he makes no mention of it. 
That falling prices continuing over a long period of time 
have the effect of increasing the burden of debt and benefit- 
ing the non-producer at the expense of the producer, is too 
plain to admit of discussion. 

It tends to check industrial enterprise, leading to business 
depression, enforced idleness and suffering among the 
masses. That such conditions have existed for more than 

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twenty years is recognized by almost every reputable econo- 
mist, and the causes have been made the subject of several 
laborious official investigations. 

The United States is the greatest debtor and producing 
nation in the world. The demonetization of silver necessa- 
rily lowers the prices of what we have to sell, increases the 
burden of our vast debt, and thus injures this country far 
more than it does any other. 

Moreover, our great agricultural staples are being sold in 
the closest competition with 8ilver4Jtandard countries which 
have the benefit of both cheaper labor and cheaper money. 
Thus they are enabled to force the prices of those staples 
even lower than the mere destruction of silver, standing by 
itself, would carry them. 

This whole question of prices, deeply involving the happi- 
ness and prosperity of seventy millions of American people, — 
the very germ of the entire bimetallic problem, — M. Beaulieu 
completely ignores. 

He advises the adoption of the gold standard as a mere 
abstraction, wholly regardless of its probable effects. The 
greatest producing nation in the world is urged to establish a 
monetary policy which will certainly lower the money value 
of its salable products. The greatest debtor nation is told 
that it should bind itself completely to a monetary system 
under which the dollars that we have to pay are constantly 
growing more valuable and more difficult to get. 

We are suffering from competition with silveiMising 
countries, intensified by the difference in exchange between 
gold and silver, and he asks us to pursue a policy the effect 
of which must be to further enhance the value of gold, lower 
that of silver, increase the difference in exchange, and give 
the silver countries a still further advantage. 

In short, that because we are a rich nation, full of re* 
sources, we must submit to be plucked, bled, and robbed at 
every turn in order to attain financial supremacy. 

His' estimates of future gold production can scarcely be 
considered legitimate economic discussion. They are mere 
guesses. No man is justified in attempting to decide a great 
question of political economy by blindly guessing at the future 
production of gold. All human experience proves that in such 
cases, when excitement is rife, as at present in Colorado and 
South Africa, the tendencies are strongly in the line of exag- 
gerated estimates. In 1857 the gold fields of California and 

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Australia were believed to be inexhaustible, and greater men 
than M. Beaulieu advised the demonetization of gold. In 
fact the work was begun, and if France had yielded to the 
clamor, the relative positions of gold and silver might now be 
completely reversed. 

In 1873 the most marvellous tales were floating in the air 
of the fabulous wealth of the Corns took lode, and probably 
no one thing contributed more largely to the demonetization 
of silver than the belief that the Nevada mines were about to 
44 flood " the world with that metal. To-day they are almost 

Even if his estimates be approximately correct, they prove 
nothing in favor of the gold standard. He does not claim 
that the increase will be sufficient to cause a decided advance 
in prices, or in fact any advance. He thinks it will merely 
have the effect of steadying them. When a writer dealing 
with a future production that must necessarily involve much 
uncertainty, arrives at the conclusion that it will not be suffi- 
cient to cause a decided advance in prices, but will be suffi- 
cient to "steady" them, it should be apparent that he is 
drawing the lines of conjecture with a very delicate pen. 

He is probably right, though, in the opinion that there will 
be no decided advance of prices consequent upon the en- 
larged output of gold. Not for the reason which he gives, 
L e., scientific progress in methods of production and the 
smaller increase of population in most countries, but because 
of the vastly greater amounts of gold being steadily absorbed 
by the arts and the constantly increasing need of more 
money with which to transact the rapidly augmenting vol- 
ume of the world's business. 

With great nations and great banks swelling ever their 
hoards of gold, and more and more countries planting them- 
selves upon that standard, it is morally certain that gold will 
continue to rise in value, which is only another way of say- 
ing that prices will continue to fall. 

The " scientific progress " of which M. Beaulieu speaks, 
also enormously increases consumption. Therefore its prob- 
able effect upon prices is very difficult of determination. 

It is a most remarkable thing that all "scientific progress" 
should operate to the disadvantage of the producer and for 
the benefit of the moneyed classes. But that is the inexo- 
rable logic of the whole argument based upon the theory of 

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Whatever improvements may be made whereby production 
is increased, the man with the fixed amount of money must 
have the entire benefit. 

It never occurs to the gold advocate that money should in- 
crease pro rata with other things, so as to maintain stability 
of price. The sole remedy possible under his system is to 
limit production, which means more idle labor, more busi- 
ness depression, and more suffering among the toilers and 

Therefore in an essay written for the sole purpose of de- 
monstrating the conditions of American financial supremacy, 
he leaves us without a glimmer of hope. 

The only way the American people can reach that su- 
premacy is by getting fair prices for what they have to sell. 
No individual ever got rich working for nothing. No more 
can a nation. No person of good common sense, heavily in 
debt, ever attempted to improve his condition by making it 
more difficult for him to pay that debt. No more should 
a nation. But that is exactly what M. Beaulieu advises as a 
sure road to " American financial supremacy." 

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There is perhaps no sign of the times so full of promise, 
so inspiring to effort, and so helpful to right living as the 
enlargement of the opportunities of women. And this the 
world over ; for not only is it specially true in our own blessed 
land, but in England, in Australia, in New Zealand, in Hun- 
gary, in Germany, in Italy, in Iceland, in India, in Syria, in 
China, and even in Russia, doors whose bolts and bars have 
been covered by the rust of centuries are to-day \ye\ng pushed 
open by the united efforts of women. On all sides it is agreed 
that there is just now a great awakening among women. 

As to their attributes and capabilities, we are told that they 
are seriously inquiring for the roads that will conduct them 
to their largest and noblest development. Prof. Mason, the 
curator of the United States National Museum, in his schol- 
arly essay on Applied Sociology which he calls " Woman's 
Share in Primitive Culture," declares that " no study can lead 
them to truer success than a careful review of those activities 
and occupations through which they have contributed so 
much to the general sum of happiness." Prof. Mason in this 
book proves by her works woman's share in the culture of the 
world. He calls five witnesses to the stand : History, Lan- 
guage, Archaeology, Ethnology, and Folk-lore are examined 
for data respecting the primitive woman's activities. He 
learns of her as food-bringer, weaver, skin-dresser, potter, 
Jack-of-all-trades, burden-bearer, artist, linguist, as founder 
of society and patron of religion ; in a word,,the inventor of 
all the peaceful arts of life. This book is called by a critic 
u a record of honorable achievements, stored capital, accumu- 
lated experience and energy." 

It is well worthy of its prominence as leader of the new 
scientific series. If woman, the founder of society in its l>e- 
ginnings, its mainspring through all the ages (often hidden, 
it is true, but steadily keeping time for all humanity), Incomes 
to-day the vital force which is to make society morally purer 
and intellectually broader^ surely it is most fitting that we 
look for a little upon her privileges, her responsibilities, and 
her use of both. 

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On the 19th of November a representative gathering from 
eighty-nine clubs of women in the State of New York held a 
meeting in New York City to harmonize the different elements 
that tend to develop and educate her sex and to unite in com- 
mon interest women of all ranks, professions, industries, and 
faiths, the main idea of this call to organize a New York 
State Federation being to organize in groups literary, educa- 
tional, scientific, professional, industrial, ref orm, philanthropic, 
political, and village improvement clubs. 

The president of Sorosis said two things worthy of mention : 

First. — " The practical interests of woman are multiplying so rapidly 
that only in this way can we follow them and give their value to the 
world." Second. — " She who stands alone to-day — be she woman or an 
organization of women — is missing her place in the great accordant note 
of the century." 

On Nov. 3 Mrs. Cornelius Stevenson said to the three 
hundred and fifty women composing the Civic Club in 
Philadelphia : 9 

When this club came into existence last January, we publicly pledged 
ourselves to promote u by education and active co-operation a higher pub- 
lic spirit and a better social order." Our broad and flexible organization, 
divided into four departments covering Municipal Government, Educa- 
tion, Social Science, and Art, clearly defines the scope of our work and at 
the same time gives ample freedom to individual ability and to personal 
preference. "Mutual love represented by mutual forbearance and mutual 
service " is the law of social organism. We have already held meetings 
in co-operation with the Municipal League, with the Public Education 
Association, with the Permanent Relief Fund and the Charity Organization. 

She goes on to say : 

The unfortunate condition of municipal politics is after all but the 
outcome of our general social condition. I am firmly convinced that 
much of the present evil may be traced to the thoughtlessness of the so- 
calied thinking classes, to our own indifference, seli-lndulgence, and self- 
righteousness. I take it that the conscience of the average councilman 
fairlv represents the ethical development of the average citizen. A peo- 
ple, it has been said, generally has the government it deserves. The task 
l>efore us to-day, as I see it, Irnot to wield weapons and to slaughter men 
and parties who do not hapi>en to think or feel as we do, principally, 
perhaps, because their training has been different, but to show the way 
to higher standards and to help those about us to see, to know, to aim at 
the intangible something that, to th&se who possess it, is worth more 
than money, patronage, and preferment, — the self-respect that brings 
with it the respect of others, and the unselfish devotion to certain ever- 
broadening ideals that leads a man to take a disinterested interest in the 
advancement of his town, his country, and, finally, his kind. 

In line with this we hear much also of the " fine example 
of the Woman's Club of Chicago, through which splendid 
individual work has been accomplished, with the full backing 
of hundreds of loyal women, thus presenting the soul-stirring 

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spectacle of a huge piece of human machinery in which 
individual ability is the sharp cutting edge driven through 
the hardest metal by the powerful force of a united sisterhood." 
As nineteenth-century women, with our multiplied means 
of organized effort in every direction, we are possibly in dan- 
ger of forgetting all that is due to one pioneer woman, a 
contemporary of Defoe, Mary As tell. It is but two hundred 
years since she dared to plead, and to be the veiy first to 
plead, for just this thing, — social equality and the necessity 
of a thorough education. It is but one hundred years since 
Mary Wollstonecraft was persecuted beyond measure for 
believing the same thing. It is within the memory of women 
like Harriet Judd Sartain and Mary Mapes Dodge that when 
these sister friends sought to fit themselves for their chosen 
fields of medicine and journalism their own families and rela- 
tives became their most persistent and discouraging oppo- 
nents. Dr. Sartain has repeatedly said that the insults and 
derision, the jealousy and unmanliness of the students in the 
clinic and lecture room were as nothing to her (so determined 
was she to ignore them, even though the only woman among 
scores of hooting and hissing men), but the criticism and 
doubting of those who were near and dear to her — this wa3 
the sorest trial of that day of unbelief in the union of career 
and character in any woman. More and more does the public 
opinion which moulds society see that the only way to have 
absolute freedom is to establish one standard by which men 
and women shall be judged. Dr. Coit asserts that every 
restraint put upon man's laxity means added liberty for 
woman. Happily it is now the fashion for women to become 
workers and to engage in any honorable occupation for which 
they can fit themselves, whether it be trade, manufacture, a 
profession, the public service, or any other career for which 
they are competent. The^New York Sun said recently : 

Women are now successfully pursuing every department of business 
and professional industry in numbers so great that their appearance in 
competition with men no longer attracts attention and they suffer nothing 
in % public or private estimation in consequence of this ; now, having won 
their social rights, now, having demonstrated their ability to compete 
with men in private business, they are growing confident of their ability 
to Join with them in the management of the affairs of the State. They 
are calmly organizing to influence the reason and the justice of the coming 
Constitutional Convention. It is noticeable, too, that the headquarters of 
the committee of ladies who sent out the circular which follows are at a 
resort of fashion in Fifth Avenue and not at a place with which radical- 
ism or eccentricity is associated. This indicates that the present move- 
ment expects to receive aid and impulse from social forces which hitherto 

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have turned with indifference or revulsion from efforts to obtain woman 
suffrage. Therein consists its great significance. This circular reads 
% as follows: 

A committee of ladles Invite you and all the adult members of your household to 
call at Sherry's on any Saturday in March or April, between nine and six o'clock, to 
sign a petition to strike out in our State Constitution the word male as a qualification 
for voters. Circulars explaining the reasons for this request may be obtained at the 
same time and place. 

Signed to this circular are the names of seven women 
prominent in society, beginning with Mrs. Lowell, the chair- 
man of the Municipal League, — Mrs. Charles Russell 
Lowell, Mrs. Joseph H. Choate, Dr. Mary Putnam Jacobi, 
Mrs. J. Warren Goddard, Mrs. Robert Abbe, Mrs. Henry M. 
Saunders, Miss Adele M. Fielde. 

The Sun adds : 

Undoubtedly if this committee represents the sentiment of a great 
body of the intelligent women of the State, its petition to strike from 
the State Constitution the word u male " as a qualification for voters will 
not go unheeded. Whenever women generaUy want the suffrage, and 
make known their want, they will obtain it. 

He would be a brave man indeed who denied to woman 
to-day her equality of education and social position. In addi- 
tion, conservatives like Cardinal Gibbons and Dr. Parkhurst 
freely admit the inability of men to cope with the evils of the 
times unaided by the mental and moral strength of women. 
These men and a host of others have publicly besought the 
co-operation and influence of women to bring about a new 
order of things, especially in New York, in Chicago, in Ken- 
tucky, and in Colorado. The quick and effective response 
of an immense majority of the women who lead in society is 
an omen of good not to be under-estimated, and one of many 
things which may make us exceeding glad to be women at 
the close of this nineteenth century. 

Mrs. Lowell's selection of ladies for the Municipal League 
was a wonderful committee. Probably none more repre- 
sentative could have been chosen from the Four Hundred. 
The twenty-five women composing this committee were said 
to be worth 120,000,000 in their own light and to have 
husbands whose aggregate wealth was over $100,000,000. 
But it was not so much their wealth as their social distinc- 
tion which impressed the city. If they had done nothing 
else, they have accomplished a weighty fact in stamping the 
movement with the seal of fashion. 

The Tribune says : 

Women have now a new title in New York to respect and praise hy 
their fidelity to principles they were urged to defend everywhere except 
at the polls. With an enthusiasm and persistency that did them infinite 

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credit, they contributed their influence to the cause of good government. 
We trust that they will derive great satisfaction from the assurance that 
they were powerful allies even without the ballot. 

The Boston Advertiser says : 

The unquestionable sentiment of women and of the majority of think- 
ing men is that there is no reason why a woman, on account of her sex, 
should be shut out from participating in municipal affairs. Such being 
the case, the eternal justice of not raising any distinction of sex in 
regard to voting is none the less established, and we believe the advent 
of women in the consideration and discussion of public questions is 
always uplifting and improving. 

By the admission of the Associated Press we learn of the 
recent election in Denver that " nothing since the adoption 
of the Australian ballot system has more contributed to 
quietness than the presence of women at the polls. Men 
who shrank from the bustle and uproar of the contending 
partisans at the polls came with their wives to-day, so that 
the male vote is much larger than usual." A significant 
fact in connection with the registration of thirty thousand 
women in Chicago is brought out by the papers of that city. 
" As in Denver and Boston, so in Chicago, the registration 
of women voters is largest in the best wards and smallest in 
the ignorant and degraded parts of the city." 

Frances Willard, in her annual address before the National 
Women's Christian Temperance Union, evidently agrees with 
the little girl who, when asked how Eve was made, re- 
sponded, " Out of Adam's backbone, and I guess it took it 
all," for she says : 

The moral backbone of this nation is its womanhood. In twenty-two 
States women now vote on the school question, and following the lead of 
their brothers in W voming, the men of Colorado have placed the women 
of their State beside them on the throne of popular judgment. The 
municipal ballot has been given to women in Kansas, and has proved the 
right arm of the enforcement of prohibitory law. 

In New Zealand men have given the full ballot to women, and the 
dominant issue is the prohibition cause. 

(Women delegates have been welcomed from Wyoming to the Repub- 
lican National Convention, and for the first time in the history of the 
world have cast their ballots in the election of a national ruler.) 

In Iceland, since 1882, widows and all self-supporting wo- 
men over twenty years of age have had the right to vote at 
municipal and vestry-board elections, and a movement is on 
foot to make them members of the National Assembly, or 

In England, the women have been specially working for 
the passage of the Parish Councils Act. This gives woman 
the power to vote on the same terms as men and permits her 

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election on the Board of Councils. Heretofore the parson 
and the 'squire have controlled the affairs of the laboring 
classes. " Now for the first time," writes a relative, " they 
will have a chance to show their power if they can be made 
to understand. But their sodden darkness and ignorance is 
immense. Most of the people in our village did not even 
know that there were to be any Parish Councils at all, until 
we went around and distributed leaflets on the subject. 
Now, however, we hear that they are all stirred up by our 
leaflets, and we hope that they will have the courage to shake 
off the tyranny of the 'squire and the parson." 


The chief work will be : 

1. The appointment of overseers and assistant overseers, whose duty 
it wiU be to collect the poor-rates, levy the rate required for education, 
put every person qualified to vote on the proper register, and in cases of 
" sudden " and u urgent " emergency, to give relief to the poor. (A wo- 
man can be an overseer.) 

2. The holding of property for the benefit of the poor. 

3. The purchase and hiring of land for allotments and other purposes 
(under certain conditions compulsorily). 

4. The entire or partial control of parish charities (generally not 
ecclesiastical) by the appointment of charity trustees. 

5. The removal of nuisances. 

6. The obtaining, by agreement, of a proper water supply, and bring- 
ing it to the houses. 

7. The erection of a village hall. 

8. The protection of village greens, rights of way, and roadside 
wastes, and the repair of footpaths. 

9. The carrying out of any of the " Adoptive Acts " if they be 
adopted by the Parish Meeting : 

(a) The Lighting and Watching Act ; 

(b) The Baths and Washhouses Acts ; 

(c) The Burial Acts; 

(rf) The Public Improvements Act ; 
(e) The Public Libraries Act. 

10. The power of appeal if the Rural District Council does not fulfil 
its duty as local sanitary authority, or its duty of protecting public 
rights of way, etc. 

A veteran statesman, Sir George Grey, has watched with 
interest the triumphant consummation of women's suffrage 
in New Zealand, and in a speech of great weight made the 
other day he assured Englishmen " that if the women of 
Great Britain have the franchise given to them they will bring 
mildness into severe laws, promote temperance to a great de- 
gree, and that their interest in their husbands and children 
will be greater because they will possess more power to do 
good to those they love." This is the view that earnest and 
thoughtful people are everywhere taking. 

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A comprehensive work now in course of publication in 
Berlin is entitled "Woman's Struggle for Existence in 
Modern Life." The first part, " Woman in the Service of the 
State," has just appeared. It notes the remarkable fact that 
while three of the rulers of Europe — the Queen of Eng- 
land and the Queens Regent of Holland and Spain — have 
displayed capacities which put them quite on a level with 
their masculine contemporaries on European thrones, neither 
of them, if she had not been called to the very first place 
in the Government, could have obtained even the lowest 
employment in the administrative service of the country. 

The Critic adds : 

This concrete instance appeals to the mind more powerfully than 
volumes of abstract discussion. Does our present system of exclusion 
really deprive us of the services of what is, on the whole, by far the better 
half of humanity ? 

But while it is true that in America, in England, in 
Australia, and even in far-away little Iceland, woman is a 
large and influential factor in society, that her horizon is 
constantly widening so that her dreams and desires of 
yesterday are being crystallized into realities to-day, on the 
other hand let us for a little glance at the condition just 
now of women in Germany and in India, especially, the 
better to appreciate their despairing and degraded state. 
Can we for a moment doubt that if the Empress of Germany 
were in any degree able or willing to see beyond her own 
luxurious and safe environment, her countrywomen would 
be suffering as they are to-day ? The Kaiser has declared 
more than once that he prefers a wife who can make jam 
to one who can discuss a constitution. ' In the last issue of 
the Woman at Home we read that she is called the " Patron 
Saint of the Three K's," and a favorite saying of the Emperor 
is that he could wish nothing better for the welfare of his 
nation than that the girls of Germany should follow the 
example of the Empress and devote their lives as she does to 
the cultivation of the three K's — Kirche, Kinder^ und Kiiche. 
With such a combination of conservatism at the head of this 
great empire, is it any wonder that in all civic and social 
duties, in all just recognition of the work and wages of women, 
in all educational rights and advantages which they are still 
struggling to grasp, German women to-day are whole cen- 
turies behind in position and privilege ? Can it be a matter ©f 
wonder that four millions of these women are doing the 

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scavenger work of the streets, winding coal up from the 
mines because woman-power is cheaper than steam-power, 
mixing the mortar for the building trades, and living under 
conditions, even in the rich city of Frankfurt, that, as 
Edward Atkinson says in the last Forum^ "are so abject 
that the water in which one man's sausage is boiled can 
be sold to him who has no sausage to give a little flavor 
to a starvation diet." If that German Empress and the 
women of her court believed " that the end of creation is not 
the happiness but the virtue of rational souls," would their 
days and nights be given up to selfishness, ease, and pleasure, 
while wrongs and cruelties and oppressions are rife about 
them ? I hope to live to see the day, and I have full faith 
in its speedy dawning, when these high-born women will 
become aroused and awakened as from an awful nightmare of 
lethargy and sloth, becoming a mighty moral force which 
shall right these monstrous wrongs. For nowadays the 
moral force is the prevailing force, and sooner or later legal 
action is bound to follow persistent and united effort, the 
unanimous sentiment of society. 

In a lecture heard a short time ago I was told that there 
are in India one hundred and thirty millions of women. They 
are by no means the savages we imagine, but polite, extremely 
intellectual, and deeply religious. The most appalling feature 
in work among them is their ignorance, and their ignorance 
of their ignorance. Many, most, indeed all, of the millions of 
women in the zenanas know less than our little children, and 
are absolutely shut in one or more rooms from the age of 
seven or eight until they die. One aged woman told a 
zenana worker that she had never seen a tree since a little 
child and had quite forgotten how it looked. In all their 
religion — and one might add religions — is that sort of 
fatalism which gives them that patient endurance of their 
lives and burdens so characteristic of the Eastern woman. 
Yet their strength of intellect and character is such that the 
Christianizing of scores and hundreds of villages depends 
upon the women in these villages. They are followed, not 
led, by the men in all matters pertaining to religion, in giving 
up their idols, renouncing caste distinctions, and so forth. 
When these women are permitted to take their proper places 
in society, what will be the inevitable result? Will the 
# world not take a great stride toward that millennium we all 

In looking up the achievements of many hundreds of 

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women representing all classes of society, I think nothing has 
given me more genuine pleasure than to learn that in the car- 
shops of the Harlan & Hollingsworth Company, in Wilming- 
ton, is an Irish-American girl who has been for some time the 
head designer in car decoration, earning her $54 each month. 
Her father for forty years was an Irish laborer in the P. W. 
& B. R. R. yard, but by her energy, ability, and the atmos- 
phere of privilege and opportunity she has breathed, this girl 
has risen step by step to the top in her department, and has 
recently been given charge of it. In the Pullman car works 
in Wilmington are employed many women under a woman 
f oreman in the upholstery, car-decorating, designing, and glass- 
embossing departments. The only woman now taking a 
course of mechanical drawing in the Institute night drawing- 
school is one of these glass-embossers, who is hoping thus to 
train herself for a higher position in this glass work, all of 
which has heretofore been done by men. 

A valuable report has recently been issued by the Depart- 
ment of Labor at Washington which gives personal statistics 
of 17,427 wage-earning girls in twenty-two different cities. 
The largest proportion of these began to support themselves 
at fourteen. Miss Dodge, who has learned to know about 
the lives of over 11,000 of these girls; says that " nowhere 
else can be found in greater degree the noble impulses of 
heroism, self-sacrifice, patience, cheerfulness, and aspiration. 
Thousands gather every night in working girls' societies 
or other rooms opened to them, where they can study and 
improve themselves." Our present factory system began 
only at the latter part of the last century. In 1836 only 
seven vocations were open to women, chief of which were 
factory hands and household servants. In 1884 no less than 
354 sub-divisions of industry were open to them, into which 
more than 2,600,000 women had entered. Out of a million 
population in the Australasian colony there are 114,222 
women wage-earners to-day, of whom 30,924 are under twenty 
years. The State Factory Inspectors report last week that 
in the State of New York in 11,000 factories and workshops 
are employed 412,237 persons, of whom 138,708 are women. 
The total number of children under sixteen employed was 
13,864. During the year 2,580 children were discharged 
under the law (passed in 1886) restricting the employment 
of illiterate children or those under fourteen. 

At the opposite end of the social scale we are told that Jay 

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Gould's daughter Helen spends every possible dollar of her 
$6,000 a month in charity, so that with $15,000,000 at her 
command, she decided not to take a box at the opera the past 
winter that she might have the extra sum for some coveted 
charity. It is said that twelve of the fifteen girls entering 
society in New York this winter are millionnairesses, two be- 
ing wealthier than Miss Gould. 

In a recent number of the North American Review there 
is an article by a young woman, Elizabeth Bisland, setting forth 
the opinion that the average woman is totally ignorant of 
fundamental economics, though she is the spender and dis- 
tributer of the money the men accumulate. The Working 
Woman's Journal lately presented a striking instance of ability 
in this direction, which may be interesting in this connection. 

Mrs. Harriet W. R. Strong of Ranchito del Fuerto, near Los Angeles, 
Southern California, had seven exhibits at Chicago — oranges, lemons, and 
walnuts in the Horticultural Building, and others in the Mining and 
Agricultural Buildings. A model of a restraining dam for hydraulic min- 
ing took a prize at the Exhibition. A system of storage reservoir for 
mining debris was highly indorsed by practical men of experience. She 
is a member of the Cnamber of Commerce in Los Angeles, and the other 
day, in conjunction with Miss Kelso, the City Librarian of Los Angeles, 
voted on the question of a deep-water harbor for Los Angeles. She has 
also just given bonds to the amount of $100,000 as treasurer of an irriga- 
tion district. Mrs. Strong is one of the many women who have been 
thrust into the business world without preparation for it. Her husband, 
Mr. Charles L. Strong, was the first superintendent of the Comstock 
mine. He died ten years ago, leaving his wife and four daughters only a 
small life insurance, which was soon swallowed up in litigation. Mrs. 
Strong was under Dr. Weir Mitchell's care in Philadelphia when the news 
of her husband's death came to her. Returning to Oakland, her home in 
California, she took her young children to the South, where she had an 
interest in an entirely uncultivated ranch of 320 acres. Against the per- 
suasion of all her friends, Mrs. Strong determined to cultivate this ranch. 
She borrowed $4,000 and set to work. Every one thought she was de- 
mented and would die in the attempt. To-day, 225 of the 320 acres are 
under cultivation — 75 acres are in English walnuts and 75 in oranges 
of the finest species ; 35 acres are waving with pampas grass, hundreds 
of dollars' worth of which she sells in Europe every year. 

In a large number of manufacturing concerns in Massachusetts the 
affairs of which are covered by the latest report of the State Bureau of 
Labor statistics, there were 43,803 partners or stockholders in 1893 against 
42,735 in 1892. The number of men included in the total for the latter 
year was greater, however, than that which was covered by the larger 
figures for 1893. There .were 27,325 male partners or stockholders in 

1892 and 27,211 in 1893. On the other hand, the number of women who 
had an interest in the manufactories dealt with by the report was 16,592 
in 1893 against 15,410 in the year preceding. The partners or stock- 
holders were 63.94 per cent men in 1892 and 27.56 per cent women. In 

1893 the proportions were 28.38 per cent of women and 62.12 per cent of 
men. The change thus shown to have taken place in one year is regarded 
by the Cleveland^ Plain Dealer as a curious hint of the tendency of the 
times to place more and inore of the property of the world, and especially 

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of the United States, in the possession of women. It looks as if the 
weaker sex, which must hold Its goods and chattels in a sense by virtue 
of the forbearance of the stronger, were destined to become the moneyed 
part of the human family. 

Gen. Booth, the founder of that marvellous organization, 
the Salvation Army, has directed that at his death its vast 
financial interests be put under the entire control of his 
daughter, not his son, and why? Because, as he is wise 
enough to see and just enough to say, " a woman is far bet- 
ter fitted to deal with and to control either vast numbers of 
people or vast sums of money than a man." And this, like 
Col. Higginson, he finds in the very constitution and lifelong 
habits of women. In his book on "Men and Women " Col. 
Higginson says : 

Every one who has served on public boards or charity organizations 
with women is probably familiar with this trait. Their memory for 
small details, too, is more formidable than that of men. The late Miss 
Abby May, when a member of the State Board of Education, could at 
any time send a thrill of anxiety through the board by quietly taking 
from her pocket a certain inexorable little red memorandum book. 

It will be found in almost any American city, on comparing the list of 
officers In the charitable societies of fifty years ago with those of to-day, 
that whereas they found it necessary to begin with having men as treas- 
urers, women now usually keep these financial affairs in their own hands. 
This results in a detailed accuracy which is heroic and sometimes pathetic. 

A careful statement of the real estate and moneys at in- 
terest upon which the women of Philadelphia pay interest 
has been prepared by the Woman's Suffrage Society of 
Philadelphia County. It sets forth that in the thirty-seven 
wards the whole amount of taxable property owned by women 
is $153,757,566 in real estate and $35,743,133 in money at 
interest. The proportion paid by them is 20 per cent of 
the entire amount of taxes on real estate in the city of Phil- 
adelphia. In the State of New York 350,000 are engaged in 
industrial pursuits ; yet these women and all the women hold- 
ing property and paying taxes are denied the ballot, while 
male occupants of almshouses have it. The wittiest woman 
I know (Kate Field) says : " Reason is said to be a goddess ; 
perhaps this is why there is so little of reason in politics. It 
has never had a chance, owing to sex." The negro and the 
alien may vote, no matter how ignorant; but woman, no 
matter what her position or intellect, may not. What a de- 
lightful satire on republican institutions ! 

For myself I do believe, with Frances Power Cobbe, " that 
any woman worth her salt sooner or later takes an interest in 
some question which involves legislation, and however much 

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they may recoil from political duties, women begin to ask 
themselves, 4 Why should I, because I am a woman, be forbid- 
den to help to achieve some public good or to redress some fla- 
grant wrong?'" She herself has given to all women an 
example for all time, of one woman who, though utterly 
without wrongs of her own to redress, yet stirred into action 
by reading in a newspaper a whole series of assaults upon 
wives, rose from her arm-chair and saying, " I will not rest 
until I see what I can do to stop this," did stop it. For in 
1878, when sixty years of age, she succeeded in having 
Parliament pass the Matrimonial Causes Act, a law it had 
year after year refused even to consider, " whereby ab6ut one 
hundred women a year are released from what is practically 
slavery plus torture and the constant fear of murder, who 
would otherwise have been still living in that condition." 

Some of us may need light on this, that, and the other 
phase of this wonderful woman-movement as much as that 
university student who had listened for an hour and a half to 
the professor of the chair of political economy. " I think I 
understand the most of your lecture, Professor," spoke up 
the deeply interested young man, "but I'd like to know 
whether this ad valorem you've been talking about is a man 
or a woman?" 

Nevertheless, with sixty-one new books published this 
autumn on economics and social problems ; with Vassar Col- 
lege raising its standard of scholarship higher than ever be- 
fore and introducing a new course in money and banking ; 
with women's Municipal Leagues in both the East and West 
arranging for classes in politics and social science, we surely 
need not and we will not remain longer in ignorance concern- 
ing those problems which are confronting every thinking 
mind. With Frances Willard urging that the National Wo- 
men's Christian Temperance Union create a new department, 
that of politics ; with Miss Jane Adams, the founder of the 
first social settlement (that woman whose financial ability is 
as unquestioned and quite as remarkable as is her knowledge 
of political economy), with this woman presiding over the 
Arbitration Labor Congress which convened Nov. 14, — with 
all this and much more that cannot now be named, we are 
gladdened by the conviction of the speedy enlightenment of 
women along these lines. 

One can study no finer setting forth of this interesting 
woman-movement concerning both her position and her duty 

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in society to-day, than in Lady Henry Somerset's paper on 
the " Renaissance of Women " in the North American Re- 
view for November. And since I brought to the reading of 
it an inherited conviction of the natural equality of the sexes, 
she, like Frances Power Cobbe, seems to me " to be the pio- 
neer and prophet of the widest and most far-reaching mani- 
festation of the divine thought in this our day and genera- 
tion." I cannot close this paper without repeating some 
thoughtful words which thrilled me strangely as I read them. 
They are taken from the Century Magazine for December and 
are these : 

Whatever be the future history of woman suffrage, the recent wide- 
spread agitation is sure to develop a greater interest on the part of all 
serious-purposed women in public affairs, and to awaken in them a keener 
sense of personal responsibility to the community at large. 

The effect of the movement upon the State, it is to be hoped, will be 
a more frank and generous recognition of the women who possess strength, 
ability, and leisure to serve the public good. Without " erasing the 
word male " from the Constitution -— startling phraseology ! -— the State 
has ample power to-day to enlarge the scope of their work. In the 
expenditure of the vast sums of public revenue, to which women largely 
contribute, there are many directions in which their watchfulness would 
tend to increase honesty and economy. In the management of State 
hospitals, asylums, and prisons, women should be allowed an influential 
voice. Over public schools there should be the supervision of properly 
qualified women. In municipal matters that concern health, comfort, and 
cleanliness, the purifying and beautifying of waste places, the enforce- 
ment of tenement-house and poor laws, and in the regulation of the rules 
that govern the employment of women and children in factories and 
shops, the woman's hand should be felt and her special knowledge 

In all these directions the best qualities of mind, of heart, and of con- 
secrated service could find ample outlet without any infringement or 
strain on the natural laws that govern the relation and divide the world's 
work between the two sexes. 

May the State be induced, through enlightenment or pressure, to take 
these important matters into consideration and to act upon them. And 
may aU women, be they suffragists or anti-suffragists, appreciate that the 
best promise for to-morrow lies always in the best use made of the oppor- 
tunities of to-day. 

These earnest words seem to contain in a nutshell all that 
is needful for us as women to know concerning the open 
avenues of usefulness and service that lie before us to-day, — 
open avenues that wind away into the sun-rising and whose 
perspective is lost in its light, a light that is to illumine a 
new day wherein righteousness shall reign. 

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The imperial power in the sphere of truth is undoubtedly 
God, the imperial power of the universe and author of all 
truth. And in the Bible we may see certain supreme truths. 
Likewise in yonder mountain there is gold. It came there 
during the wild reign of fire. The fire has vanished, but the 
gold remains, and science, which is from God, will bring 
forth the gold from the concealing earth. 

The truth was sublimely expressed by St. Paul to the 
Athenians at Mars Hill, when he told them of the " unknown 
God" — the Lord of heaven and earth, who dwelleth not in 
temples made with hands, who is not far from every 
one of us, for in him we live and move and have our being, 
as we are his offspring. 

And of this God St. John, the profoundest thinker of 
antiquity, because most godlike in his sentiments, being the 
beloved disciple, said, " In the beginning was the law, and the 
law was with God, and the law was God," — a sentence which 
demonstrates his inspiration, being the profoundest of truths, 
foreign to the thought of his age. And so it stood in his 
writings until juggling priests substituted for "law" the 
unmeaning mysticism of " the Word " or the " Logos," * con- 
verting profound wisdom into mere empty verbiage, adapted 
to empty minds, who speak of the Word that was God, and 
similar inanities. 

Of this God, the God of law as well as love, St. John 
has spoken wisely, and as it is known that man was devel- 
oped in His image, man is the Lord of earth, as an infin- 
itesimal representative of the Lord of the universe. 

But man is the Lord of earth only in proportion as God 
is represented as dwelling in him, — for God is the sole light 
of the universe, and as St. John said, "That was the true 

• Hereafter I shall vindicate St. John from the libel that connects his honored 
name with that production of ajroung lunatic, the Apocalypse, which has muddled a 
million brains In the attempt to find some meaning in it, since It was wrongly placed in 
the Bible after being decisively rejected by those who, during the first four centuries, 
were competent to judge, and oy the churches to which It was addressed. 


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light which lighteth every man that cometh into the world ; " 
and as the divine element is lost man becomes a savage, no 
better than a wild animal, or a grovelling idiot, or a miserable 
criminal, sunk in the purgatorial hell of his own debase- 

These self-evident propositions are the substance of all 
philosophy, for in them we find the entire code of life, if we 
understand that God is love as well as power, to which we 
owe unlimited devotion, as Jesus taught and as man has for- 

Yes, the world has forgotten God and lost the sacred 
truth which came with Christ. He came when all seemed 
going down into a moral abyss — when the basest criminals of 
all the earth not only ruled in servile Rome, but were deified 
when they died, and worship demanded for their infamy. 

He came to an inevitable death, to flash the divine light 
upon a world of gloom and misery. He died, and that gloom 
has never been lifted ; and now the same abyss yawns before 
us as in the dread years of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero, 
and Titus, — sixty-five years of terror, ending in the bloody 
destruction of Jerusalem, predicted by Christ, and the sud- 
den burial of Pompeii and Herculaneum by Vesuvius — a 
mournful period, contemporaneous with the saddest and 
sublimest of earth's tragedies — the dawn and the destruc- 
tion of visible Christianity by the deaths of its founder 
and its heroes. 

The modern Pharisee may deny the destruction of Chris- 
tianity in that awful time when, as Jesus predicted, there 
were wars and rumors of wars, earthquakes, famine, pesti- 
lence, nations rising against nations, the ocean raging and 
Jerusalem destroyed ; but if he can point to a single nation or 
a single year in any nation, or a single community in which 
Christianity has existed as in the Pentecostal days or the 
days when the Master washed the feet of the disciples in a 
humble apartment, instead of dwelling in a bishop's palace, 
exacting the last dollar of tithes from impoverished and ig- 
norant toilers for his own splendor, and giving commands or 
inspiration and blessings to answer for their bloody work, as 
when they inspired and prayed for the Hessians sent to con- 
quer our ancestors, and the bloody hordes of Louis XIV sent 
to exterminate the Albigensian and Waldensian Christians, 
then it might be admitted that latent Christianity has had some 
small and limited growth in earth since its apparent destruc- 

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tion in the first century, as the grass may sometimes have a 
green spot in winter. 

But looking at the entire world, we see all nations tram- 
pling on the overthrown principles of Christianity, which is the 
religion of peace and brotherhood — brotherhood being treated 
as the dream of a visionary, and war as the normal condition 
of humanity, as Von Moltke maintained, and as all great 
statesmen practically agree — ten millions being ready armed 
for slaughter, and uneasily anticipating when it will begin ; 
Christian Armenia devastated by the Turks, with the full 
consent of all European nations, so farcically called Chris- 
tian ; Christian Abyssinia murderously invaded by the des- 
perado government of Italy, which has nearly enslaved and 
bankrupted itself to attain the rank of a bully among bully- 
ing nations; and struggling Cuba threatened with exter- 
mination to enslave it by a realm which boasts of its fidelity 
to what it calls a Christian church, which never objects to 
such wars, with a Christian (?) nation looking on which 
could end it in a month if it cared. 

And whether we look back into the centuries or look 
around the globe, we find no brightness anywhere, but only 
deeper and denser darkness, as we look into the gloomy past 
beyond which we see where the light of Christianity was ex- 
tinguished at the end of the first century. 

How daringly absurd then to speak of Christianity surviv- 
ing the first century, because human virtue has not been and 
cannot be extirpated entirely, and a few good men in every 
age have raised their voices in earnest protest, often at the 
risk of the loss of life, and many good women obey their 
natural inspiration of love, for God cannot be entirely walled 
out from humanity by any brazen dome erected either by a 
false theology or by governments and armies. And we must 
not forget that many good people have sought God not in 
vain ; many lives have been devoted to the work of salvation 
as they understood it, and there have been many times of 
glorious outpourings of the Spirit of God and of marvellous 
works. When the sun is gone we have the moon and stars 
to relieve our night. 

But the Christianity of Christ has been so effectually 
walled out — how and why is the great question — that society 
illustrates well the Cain and Abel story by its intense, unvary- 
ing war of social selfishness, against which a few followers 
struggle in vain. Selfishness is eternal war — the war of the 

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fortunate and unfortunate, of wealth and poverty — the upper 
ranks on the social ladder kicking down all below them, 
wealth ever pushing poverty to the desolate border of starva. 
tion, and poverty angrily defiant until it is conquered and 
becomes pitifully abject — a condition concisely described by 
Carlyle as a " hell-scramble" a continuous war, the annual 
result of which in the United States is a murder for every 
hour of the day and night through three hundred and sixty- 
five days of the year, and about two thousand more for the 
holidays and mobs. 

Our Christianity is the bedfellow of a social system 
organized well to divide mankind into two classes, of lords 
and serfs, — the oligarchy and the laborers, — the eighteen 
hundred years of the prolonged crucifixion of Christ, — for as 
he said, what is done to the humblest is done to him. 

But Christianity is not a corpse, for it can never die. It 
lives in the bosom of humanity as the seed that falls in sum- 
mer lives in the cold ground through the winter. 

The continents have had their ice age, we know not why, 
and in the progress of old humanity has had its moral age 
of ice, upon which the sun is now shining, and along its 
thawing margin the hardiest mountain growth, the tree of 
liberty, appears, — a hardy forest. Though half stunted, even 
on the American continent, we know that when full blown it 
will shelter justice, brotherhood, and love, all of which will 
come with Christianity. 

From this digression, looking at falsehood, let us return 
to the imperial power of the truth that is to save the world. 
It is the divine light of which St. John spoke, and it is the 
highest achievement of theosophy to have demonstrated in 
the constitution of man the influx of that light and the 
wonderful structure by which it is received. The brain is 
the centre of life, in which the power of Him in whom we live 
and move and have our being controls the apparatus that it 
needs for fifty or a hundred years to achieve the conquest of 
the earth, which is destined in other ages to grow into the 
likeness of heaven, as foreshadowed in the prayer "thy 
kingdom come." 

In the long darkness that has followed the first century, so 
fatal to religion, man, becoming ignorant of God and ignorant 
of the higher laws of life, knows not that he has in himself 
the divine element that dwells in humanity, and when first 
informed of this he is as helpless in its development and use 

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as the babe just learning to use its muscles and unconscious 
that it can ever learn to walk. 

In the essay on Scientific Theosophy I have endeavored 
to show that man carries in himself the potentiality of all 
wisdom — the divine power that may lead him out of all 
ignorance, discord, misery, and crime to the fulfilment of the 
loftiest aspirations and attainment of the mo^t perfect happi- 
ness — not by the old scholastic cramming methods, but by 
the culture of his inborn powers. 

The sudden presentation of so great a truth, though it be 
the result of sixty years' investigation of the teniporafand 
eternal worlds that are ours, by all the methods known to 
scientists and by methods not heretofore in use, cannot at 
once command implicit confidence (it certainly would not 
formerly have commanded mine), for it needs to be preceded 
by the volumes of recorded investigation and experiment by 
which this result has been reached. Had the world been 
more hospitable to revolutionary truths, all this would now 
have been in print, as well as the five thousand pages already 
issued and circulating among advanced thinkers while the 
remainder has been waiting the progress of the public mind. 
What I am offering now through a magazine is like offering 
a summary at the end of a volume the contents of which 
have not been read. In the two volumes now in preparation 
the scientific and the religious consummation of theosophy 
will be presented. 

The most essential proposition is the existence in man of 
divine elements, heretofore unrecognized by colleges and 
churches (though very dimly perceived by mystic philoso- 
phers of antiquity), capable of coming forth to practical utility 
if cultivated, as the healing fountain of Lourdes began to 
flow when the obstructing sand was removed. 

In this evolution there comes the absolute unity of science 
and religion. Their antagonism heretofore has been due to 
the blindness and the narrowness of each. True science in its 
highest sphere is as inseparable from true Christianity as the 
light and warmth in the sun's rays, for each is absolute truth, 
and the summit of the sciences reaches the sphere of Chris- 
tianity, which is the one sole, absolute, and complete religion, 
alike for the sage and the saint. 

The tendency of fashionable science as expressed to me by 
an eminent college president is to seek for all things a com- 
plete expression in number, quantity, and dimension — a style 

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of thought which excludes both the soul and the deity from 
the human mind, and therefore harmonizes well with the 
kingdom of Mammon and the reign of plutocracy. But even 
to the materialist whose mind is not sealed by dogmatism, I 
would be pleased to show the material laws, the anatomical 
mechanism in which the highest truths of theosophy are 
demonstrable, and I feel eager to teach my readers, through 
the works now being prepared, and show the physical basis 
and demonstration of all transcendent truths — the absolute 
unity of the physical forms and forces of the earth and other 
planets with their unseen life and the soul of the universe. 

Theosophy is therefore an eminently practical science, or 
group of sciences, leading to the true hygiene and spiritual 
development of man, as I have realized in my own health and 
happiness under its guidance, while my contemporaries have 
left their worn-out bodies long since under the sod. It leads 
us to the true condition of prosperous society and govern- 
ment — to all the reforms which The Arena seeks to estab- 
lish, and to the true methods and laws of progress in all 
science, for it relies on the imperial power in the realm of 
truth, the divinity in man, so unconsciously neglected, so 
feebly, accidentally, and sporadically developed in the present 
stage of evolution, that it requires some courage to announce 
and maintain its existence. 

Sixty years ago this would have been a strange and 
mysterious doctrine to me. It has been reached only through 
these sixty years of continual, steady, and experimental 
investigation, and having reached it by the methods of the 
sciences, I perceive that Jesus Christ was its inspired 
exponent, who needed no long years of research, for he was 
born into the sphere of wisdom, and laid aside the ceremonial 
superstitions of Egypt, of his own Palestine, of Persia, and of 
India, with all of which he was familiar (for I have traced 
his unknown history), to present Jo us in its majestic 
simplicity the truth of heaven. 

To present the " new world of science," which embraces 
the entire existence of man, temporal and eternal, requires 
the grasp of cosmic laws heretofore unknown, controlling the 
physical and the spiritual man, — the body filled with nerve 
structures and spiritual energies, the brain, the wonderful 
centre in which millions of fibres and cells unite the powers 
controlling matter with the eternal life and divine light from 
God, — every convolution, fibre, and cell from the gyrus 

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fornicatus and septum lucidum to the cuneus, the crura^ the 
pons, the cerebellum, the pineal gland and gyrus angulariz, 
being organized and located with the majestic simplicity that 
organizes its complexity, or as Pope expressed it, " a mighty 
maze, but not without a plan," — and in this wondrous maze 
holding the still more intricate and wonderful life — the life 
eternal that begins on earth, but continually ascends through 
the ages toward the divine. 

This is the new world of science which connects man with 
God and leads to the divine life on earth which will expel 
all ancient ignorance and ancient forms of tyranny and fraud 
and force. But this is religion ; for divine wisdom contains 
all that is beneficent, from the mother's love to the patriot's 
and the martyr's heroism; and this was the religion that Christ 
came to announce and to present in living embodiment. 

But as already stated, Christianity is externally dead — 
unable as it was to survive the apostolic age, existing only 
as the divine fountain flowing from inspired life, yet is it 
latent in humanity and in the divine purpose. 

What was its early history in the first two centuries? is a 
question which the ablest theologians confess they cannot 
answer. It was a time of myth, of legend, of wild tradition, 
and of pious fraud and forgery. But if primitive Christian- 
ity is to be restored in its purity, we must know what it was 
in the time of Christ, and how much authority there is in 
what has been accepted as the gospel. The question of their 
authorship has never been settled. Theological scholarship 
struggles in vain to ascertain where or by whom the canonical 
Gospels were written, and the Encyclopaedia Britannica con- 
fesses that these questions are unanswerable, saying : " It is 
very doubtful whether the most searching investigation will 
ever determine with certainty the name of the author or au- 
thors of any one of the synoptic Gospels." Nor does it recog- 
nize the authenticity of the fourth Gospel, but gives a muddle 
of opinions in which it is refuted by Baur, Zeller, Helgenfeld, 
Schenkel, Keim, R^ville, Scholten, and Davidson, and com- 
mends as most correct the sceptical views of Rev. George 

Their existence cannot be traced to the apostolic age, nor 
even to the first century by any fair examination of the facts. 
We know only that they were brought out by the Church of 
Rome a hundred years after the deaths of the apostles, with- 
out a particle of evidence, for no gospel manuscript has ever 

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been produced or even heard of. Judge Waite of Chicago, 
who gave several years of honest investigation to this ques- 
tion, could find no evidence of the existence of the New 
Testament prior to A. D. 170 ; and Rev. Dr. Davidson, in 
his introduction to the New Testament, gives it even a later 
date. He says : " No canon of the New Testament, i. e., no 
collection of New Testament literature, like the present one 
supposed to have divine authority, existed before A. D. 200." 

The general conviction of advanced scholarship that the 
Gospels of the four Evangelists were not written in the first 
century deprives them of all real authenticity by destroying 
the possibility of apostolic authorship, though partisans make 
plausible stories by suppressing important historical evidence. 

Bishop Faustus in the fourth century said it was well 
known that they were not written by the apostles. Rev. J. 
T. Sunderland, in his careful work on the origin of the Bible, 
says that the Gospels had no authors in the sense in which 
that word is now used, for they were only compilations or 
" mosaics ; " and Prof. Schleirmacher, the greatest theologian 
of Germany, said that the Gospel of Luke was a compilation 
from six different manuscripts; but all the manuscripts of 
that time which might have been used are now rejected as 
apocryphal for their falsehood and almost forgotten. 

The defence of the authenticity of the New Testament is 
so hopeless that an Episcopal clergyman of San Francisco, 
Rev. Mr. Moreland, said in a sermon published last January 
that the Gospels were written by "churchmen" for the 
church " many generations " after the church had been estab- 
lished;, but he gave no excuse for attaching the names of 
the apostles to the names of Roman priests whose names are 
unknown. Mr. Moreland's name is not quoted as an author- 
ity, but as an illustration of the loss of faith in the New 

In quoting these opinions I do not indorse them, but use 
them to show that while true Christianity has disappeared, 
all faith in its records is dying out among scholars, and we 
are threatened with the loss even of the counterfeit of 

The religious records of the first two centuries are regarded 
by scholarship as of little or no value. What is preserved 
comes from a sphere of delusion. The forty gospels and other 
apocryphal literature of the first and second centuries are rec- 
ognized as worthless, and critical research leaves the canoni- 

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cal Gospels no more authentic than some of the apocryphal 
which in the second and third centuries held their ground 
against the canonical.* If we believe Rome we must accept 
whatever she gives, but if we have left the Papacy we must 
demand its credentials. 

Gibbon speaks of the " dark cloud that hangs over the first 
age of the church," and the Rev. Robert Taylor says, " The 
most candid and learned of Christian inquirers have ad- 
mitted that antiquity is most deficient judicially when it is 
most important ; that there is absolutely nothing known of 
the church history in these times on which a rational man 
could place any reliance ; and that the epoch when Christian 
truth first dawned upon the world is appropriately designated 
as the age of fable" 

The credulity and fraud of that age taint everything com- 
ing from it, and we cannot get from the blundering interpo- 
lated Scriptures even a correct list of the names of the twelve 
apostles, which I have been able to ascertain only from other 
sources. The three lists given differ each from tie other and 
all from the truth. The lives of the apostles handed down 
are half mythical, indefinite, and fictitious. We have the 
wholly mythical stories of the reverse crucifixion of St. Peter 
(head downward) at his own request, and of the boiling of 
St. John in oil without doing him any harm. But theolo- 
gians do not know where he lived and died, Ephesus and 
Patmos having presented fictitious claims, and it is still dis- 
cussed whether St. Peter ever was in Rome. The Cyclopaedia 
professes not to know how, when, or where he died. 

Through the entire thousand years of forced credulity when 
theologians reported Lot's salt wife to be still standing on 
the shores of the Dead Sea the age of church fables continued, 
which has been happily portrayed by President Andrew 
White in the Popular Science Monthly. 

But the apostolic age of Christianity is guiltless of all 
this. The frauds and forgeries, the corrupted and inter- 
polated Testament and papal despotism but prove the 
external death or disappearance of Christianity. But even 
in its mangled remains, which have been given us by Rome 
upon its own worthless authority, there is life enough to 
prolong the existence of the church after its historical foun- 
dation has crumbled away. The evidence is really gone, 

•Many of the apocryphal gospels had the confidence of second-century Christians 
of high standing In the church, and I could refer to one which upon the whole is more 
correct and less Interpolated than either of the four canonicals. 

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though not forever lost. It was destroyed when the Gospels 
were embezzled and hid for interpolation and forgery. But 
if the original Gospels, as they came from the hands of the 
Evangelists, were presented now, they would need no historical 
evidence for their genuineness and authority, for they are 
beyond comparison with any other literature or history of 
expression of religion. As Washington would take his rank 
above common men, as Jesus Christ was recognized in 
Jerusalem even by the hostile multitude, so will the purified 
Gospels be recognized, which are doubted by the intelligent 
and good only because they are corrupted. 

To explore the history of imposture tends to destroy one's 
faith in humanity and impair one's faith in God, as I have 
painfully realized. Nevertheless, I have undertaken this 
unpleasant task, scrutinizing dishonesty and honesty alike, — 
to penetrate the darkness and corruption of the first two 
centuries with the indispensable aid of the honest scholar- 
ship of the nineteenth century, to rescue Christianity from the 
grasp of fraud and despotism, — to show what it was once 
and will be when it appears again, believing that mankind is 
capable of receiving the divine truth in the coming century, 
and that it will be accepted, for such truth is irresistible in 
its divine beauty, and that it will ultimately cover all conti- 
nents and islands where man abides, as the waters cover the 
limits of the sea. 

The task is almost accomplished, — the essential truth is 
rescued from the thick darkness, — but the fascination of the 
task still holds me to look farther into the dawn of Chris- 
tianity, — communion with which and with the lives of its 
heroes is like the communion with God which was a reality 
in the apostolic age, filling the soul with that undying love 
with which St. John has looked down upon us for nineteen 
hundred years. 

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In 1891 the Legislature of Nebraska enacted a law requir- 
ing registrars of deeds to keep a " mortgage indebtedness 
record " in which should be noted each day the number and 
amount of mortgages filed and also the amount of and the 
number of releases of mortgages. 

It appears from the passage of a law upon this subject that 
at least some of the members of the Legislature were begin- 
ning to suspect that harm instead of good might result to the 
citizens of the State from the extensive loans of money ad- 
vanced to them upon real estate security, and it is also evident 
that the Legislature intended by the act to procure statistics 
upon this dangerous business. However, either by stupidity 
or design the worthy intention of some of the members was 
foiled by the following provision in the law : 

All sheriffs, special master's, 6r other deeds which are based upon 
foreclosed mortgages shall be considered as releases of the corresponding 
number and amount of mortgages for the purposes of said record, and 
should be counted in making up the totals for each day's entries [what 
an absurdity it is to consider forfeitures as payments or bankruptcy as 
prosperity ! J, and the aggregate number [bear in mind that it is " number •' 
and not amount] of such sheriff's or other deeds so considered as releases 
shaU also be separately noted on the record. 

This provision of the law serves to cover the damnable 
results of the business by leading people to believe that de- 
crees of forfeiture and eviction are receipts for large amounts 
of money earned upon the mortgaged premises and volun- 
tarily paid in discharge of the mortgage. 

Newspapers commenting upon the " fact " that we were 
paying our mortgage indebtedness faster than we were con- 
tracting it, seems so preposterous that it is a great wonder such 
mischief has so successfully escaped a just rebuking. 

Upon investigating this law one cannot fail in arriving at 
the conclusion that our representatives were guilty of either 
stupidity or knavery in making such a provision in this law 
as might only be used for the silly purpose of assisting to 
determine the number of mortgage conveyances on the total 
abstracts of all the land in the State. We would naturally 

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suppose that the compilation of mortgage statistics was for 
the purpose of determining the condition of the men who 
own the real estate rather than the bare legal condition of 
the land. 

If the law provided that the number of deeds executed in 
pursuance of foreclosures should be accompanied by the 
aggregate amount of their considerations separately added, it 
would have been valuable and honest, and moreover would 
have shown a shocking condition of the country. It would 
have shown how the land of the pioneer citizens of the State 
is being systematically taken from them at a tremendous rate. 
From June 1, 1891, the date this law went into effect, 
until Nov. 1, 1895, the time of examining that record, such 
record shows one thousand five hundred and thirty deeds of 
property in Douglas County, Nebraska, executed by order of 
courts in real estate foreclosure ; one thousand five hundred 
and thirty homes sacrificed ; one thousand five hundred and 
thirty families turned out of home in but one county of a 
single western State. 

There are no means by which it can be ascertained how 
many more persons voluntarily deeded their property to mort- 
gagees to escape annoyance of litigation, deficiency judgments, 
and attorney's fees. In all such cases an ordinary release was 
probably filed to clear the title. This manner of voluntary 
sacrifice and surrender adds to the false amount of payments 
and further conceals the amount and number of forfeitures. 
The records fail to disclose the amount of the deficiencies for 
which the mortgagors were liable when their property was 
sold for less than the debt. All of these facts are lost in the 
sea of oblivion. But notwithstanding this, the record of 
Douglas County, Nebraska, poor as it is, discloses one thou- 
sand five hundred and thirty forfeitures within the short 
period of investigation reported. 

It is commonly known that western loans were made for 
not more than forty per cent of the value of the property 
mortgaged. Therefore every forfeiture means that the 
mortgagee by a proceeding in " equity " takes not only an 
equivalent value to the money loaned of the security, but 
that he also confiscates the other sixty per cent of the value, 
which transaction would be estimated by a broker as an 
investment of one hundred and fifty per cent clear profit. 
Very often before foreclosure suits were begun, interest had 
been paid, and in such cases, after the mortgagee had collected 

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interest, foreclosed for the balance of the interest and prin- 
cipal, and bought in the mortgaged property, he pursued 
his debtor to destitution with a claim for deficiency. In 
these cases, God pity the man who is forced to seek chattel 
loans upon exempt property to obtain money on which to 
exist a few weeks longer in the vain hope of obtaining 
employment by which he may support # his family. 

It is utterly impossible to guess reasonably near the num- 
ber of people in the Western States who have been deprived 
of the use of the earth the last few years and made tramps 
by the recent financial manipulation of loan company manipu- 

What other result than tenantry and feudalism can we 
conclude will be our misfortune from such practices when 
we read the calculations of the amount of one cent com- 
pounded annually at six per cent interest from the birth of 
Jesus Christ to the present time ; when we observe the 
extent of loaning money for interest upon real estate mort- 
gages ; when we notice the gradual increase in our percentage 
of tenant occupants of land ; when we read of the results 
of opening Indian reservations to white settlement; and 
when we are aware of the thousands of courts over the 
country entering decrees of foreclosure? 

The skeleton of Rome should be continually held up 
before the people and attention should at all times be directed 
to the fact that Rome gradually reduced her currency from 
$1,800,000,000 to a less volume and a finer metal, amount- 
ing finally to only $200,000,000. Very soon after the com- 
mencement of this contraction the manipulators procured all 
of the land, and ninety-nine per cent of the people had none. 
The results were that the bone and sinew of the country 
was impoverished by the greed and avarice of the conscience- 
lessness of the few, and the masses of the population having 
no country to defend, could not and would not resist the 
unscrupulous barbarians who robbed and laid them waste. 
We do not know how many nations have risen and fallen 
on the sands of Egypt. Neither do we know when the 
Egyptian nation began its ascendency, but we have an 
account of its decline and fall. At the time Egypt went 
down two per cent of her people owned all of the land. 

Babylonia, to-day a barren waste, once supported a mag- 
nificent city of buildings and palaces of marble and stone, 
enamelled brick, and bronze castings. Artificial mountains 

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were reared in that city, and a river was made to run smoothly 
therein between banks of masonry. If property in land 
was not one of the causes of the destruction of beautiful 
Babylon, it was a coincident with Rome and Egypt that when 
she went down only two per cent of her population owned 
all of the land. 

Persia had so far advanced in agricultural development 
two thousand years ago that irrigation was a potent factor in 
its pursuit. Chosroes caused the rivers and torrent courses 
to be cleared of obstruction, and stored the superfluous water 
of the rainy season, which he meted out in the spring and 
summer with wise economy to those who tilled the soil. 
Property in land was the probable cause that prevented a 
continuance of such prosperous pursuits, and, strange to say, 
only one per cent of the people owned all of the land at 
the time Persia went down. 

The fate of these countries has been the fate of Greece 
and other countries. It has been the fate of Florence, Car- 
thage, Tyre, Sidon, Jerusalem, and Nineveh, and will be the 
fate of this country unless the coming generation steps 
between the landlord and tenant. 

History repeats itself because human nature remains the 
same. That is why we are travelling in the same road and 
to the same grave that the countries mentioned travelled. 
Just how far we have travelled can be estimated with reason- 
able accuracy. And indeed it is not so far beyond the sight 
of the " conservative " that he has no interest in ascertaining 
how much more of this great strain can be borne by human 

Having shown by a local example the manner in which 
land is being absorbed from the many by the few, an effort 
will be made next to show the extent, not only locally but 
generally, of the absorption. This investigation is not to 
group the great landholders and show the vast number of 
acres which a very small per cent of the people own and the 
large per cent of the people who own only a few acres each 
or even none ; but it is an effort to show the result of spec- 
ulation in depriving the masses from owning the particular 
spots they call their home. All of the virtue that ever was 
claimed for the institution of property in land was on the 
theory that the first land a man would own would be his home, 
and having that sacred spot securely as his own, he would 
lavishly spend his surplus labor upon its development and 

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To state it more particularly, this research was made to 
ascertain the number of those sacred spots in the State of 
Nebraska and also in the United States in proportion to their 

As an average proposition we can reasonably assume that 
a man will purchase land for a home before purchasing it for 
non-use or speculation or for another person's home. There- 
fore if men do not own their homes it is fairly safe to say as 
a general rule that they do not own any other land. 

From the eleventh census we find that there are 206,820 
families in Nebraska and that the average number of these 
families are 5.12 members. Calculating from these figures 
and this estimate furnished by the United States, we find that 
Nebraska's population would be about 1,055,840, which is 
very near the exact number reported. 

Of the 206,820 families in Nebraska only 66,071 occupy 
their own farms or homes clear of encumbrance, while 82,291 
families rent the farms or homes which they occupy. There 
are not only 82,291 families who rent the f aims or homes they 
occupy, but also 58,458 more families who are listed as ownera 
of the farms and homes they occupy that should be considered 
as tenants because the farms or homes they occupy are mort- 
gaged. Whoever is obligated to pay tribute upon his home 
is a tenant, whether the receipts for such payments are 
dignified by the amount of money they acknowledge to have 
been paid as " interest " or whether it plainly recites " for 

Grouping the two last classes together as tenant families 
and the number of individuals represented in the 140,749 
tenant families of this State aggregates 720,834 homeless 
persons whom it will be reasonably safe to designate as our 
landless population. And yet that is not all, because of the 
66,071 families who occupy and own their own farmd or 
homes clear of encumbrance, only one member, or usually the 
head of the house, owns the farm or home, and the rest de- 
pending upon him are homeless and landless, living upon the 
land of relatives by their sufferance — even the wife's dower 
interest or part of it never attaches until after her husband's 
death. On account of this extra number of landless people 
we may add 227,208 more to the homeless class, making the 
total landless population of Nebraska 993,042 as against 
66,071, the number of the other class. 

In view of the foregoing estimates the landowning popu- 

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lation of Nebraska ought not to be considered as being over 
about six and one half per cent of the whole population. 

Making the same calculations from the figures of the 
United States furnished in the census of 1890 for the first 
time, and the result is we find that only about seven and one 
half per cent of the people of the United States own the 
land on which they live. 

The history of the past is accessible to you, and the Gov- 
ernment has compiled statistics of the present which you 
may study. From these make your own compaidsons and 
draw your own conclusions. The fact will become apparent 
that the legions of those who were once known as American 
landlords are rapidly becoming mere tenants, and some day 
soon will be counted with the legions of European tenants 
unless the present generation abolishes both public and pri- 
vate property in land. 

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The unique personality of Helena Petrovna Blavatsky 
must remain a psychological problem to our day and genera- 
tion. Yet after all the small talk shall cease and the preju- 
dices of the hour have passed into history, a clearer, more 
impersonal judgment of her work must crystallize. 

She, like many famous characters in the world's history, 
came on to the stage of action in the last quarter of a century ; 
at the close of a period, too, that must be acknowledged a 
history-making epoch. For the cycle closing with the year 
1899 has so revealed to man mysteries of nature as to cre- 
ate almost a new environment for the human race, one 
enabling man to experience in the course of his four score 
years and ten a wider knowledge of material life than 
centuries of time could give him when nature hedged him in, 
with space a barrier to communication and the elements not 
yet subject to his bidding. 

I do not by this mean to claim that the present is the first 
and only time in the world's history when civilization has 
encircled the globe and man has had dominion over natural 
forces. But within the generally accepted historic period 
there is no record equalling the present for luxury and learn- 
ing. This rapid development of material science has riveted 
man's attention upon the nature side of life and wedded him 
to sensuous enjoyment, while this focalizing of man's atten- 
tion on the objective manifestations of life has dimmed his 
perception of the eternal verities of spiritual existence. His 
attention thus held with the glamour of transitory phenomena, 
man loses sight of the fundamental truth of all life, that out 
of the unseen come all things seen. This objective world, 
that is so worshipped, is only a plane of effects wrought from 
the unseen world of causes. Man as a thinker becomes a 
power in this phenomenal world by the exercise of those 
intangible forces called mind and will. But when man cre- 
ates for himself an idol out of his works and, fascinated by the 
toys of sense, steeps himself in the pleasures of material life, 
he has passed the summit of his achievement and civilization 

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begins to wane. And it is because man no longer realizes 
his spiritual nature. He no longer serves as a conscious 
creator in the world of his habitation, because he ceases to 
exercise the divine powers that alone make him a son of and 
a coworker with the infinite Creator. 

The great need of the last quarter of the nineteenth century 
was pot a warrior bold to conquer the nations of the earth, 
but a spiritual awakening. A great class of mankind had 
drifted apart from all crystallized forms of religion, and it 
needed new expressions of the ever-existent truth to bring 
home anew to the heart of man the knowledge that he is a 
child of spirit and the universe as well as of earth and of 
passion. In various ways have enlightened feouls striven to 
gain the attention of the sense-enthralled multitudes. Logic 
and assertion received some attention. Spiritualistic phe- 
nomena obtained a measure of recognition, and turned many 
aside from worldly pursuits to listen and investigate and 
thereby sense again the unseen side of life; the shock of 
death claiming a loved one brought many to this door of 
learning. Christian science has also proved an open door to 
metaphysical wisdom. But still among the great mass the 
tide was unstemmed. Each could reach only a measure of 
accomplishment in the task of reawaking man to his great 
heritage of spiritual consciousness. Among the laborers to 
this end was Helena Petrovna Blavatsky. She dazzled, 
mystified, antagonized. But she made men think. And she 
gave' forth a philosophy of life that harmonizes the great 
thought of the ages. 

"Charlatan," " Adventuress," and like names have been 
freely showered upon her, and few save those who have 
studied under her know whether the accusations are true 
or false. Let us consider facts. Born in a favored class of 
society, with wealth and high position at her command, why 
should she resign these worldly advantages, that were hers 
beyond dispute, and devote her life to incessant toil and hard- 
ship merely to become an " adventuress " and a " pretender "? 
Charlatans and adventurers generally have some selfish end 
in view, some worldly gain after which they strive. There is 
always a selfish motive at the root of fraud. No one can find 
a true incident in Madam Blavatsky's much-ventilated career 
to show that she ever asked or would accept money — other 
than what she legitimately earned in the literary mart of the 
world — for. her personal use. Instead of gaining what the 

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world values, Helena Petrovna Blavatsky renounced her in- 
herited advantages to carry out her work* Mere accusations 
cannot endure without sustaining evidence. 

Another favorite term of reproach flung after her is that of 
44 plagiarist." Taking Webster's definition, we find a plagiarist 
is 44 one who purloins the writings of another, and puts them 
off as his own." Turning to the introduction of 44 Isis Un- 
veiled " we will find she said : 

It is offered to such as are willing to accept truth wherever it may be 
found, and to defend it, even looking popular prejudice in the face. It is 
an attempt to aid Students to detect the vital principles which underlie the 
philosophical systems of old. 

Again, in the introductory chapter 44 Before the Veil," page 


Before closing this initial chapter, we venture to say a few words in 
explanation of the plan of this work. Its object is not to force upon the 
public the personal views of the author; nor has it the pretensions of a 
scientific work which aims at creating a revolution in some department 
of though};. It is rather a brief summary of the religions, philosophies, 
and universal traditions of humankind, and the exegesis of the same, in 
the spirit of those secret doctrines, of which none, thanks to prejudice and 
bigotry, have reached Christendom in so unmutilated a form as to secure 
a lair judgment. . . . Deeply sensible of the titanic struggle that is now 
in progress between materialism and the spiritual aspirations of mankind, 
our constant endeavor has been to gather into our several chapters, like 
weapons into armories, every fact and argument that can be used to aid 
the latter in defeating the former. Sickly and deformed child as it is now 
is, the materialism of to-day is born of the brutal yesterday, and unless 
its growth is arrested it may become our master. 

From the Introductory to 44 Secret Doctrine," vol. I, page 

xlv, edition of 1888, we quote as follows : 

To my mdges, past and future, therefore, whether they are serious 
literary critics or the howling dervishes in literature who judge a book 
according to the popularity or unpopularity of the author's name, who, 
hardly glancing at its contents, fasten like lethal bacilli on the weakest 
points of the body, I have nothing to say. Nor shaU I condescend to 
notice those crack-brained slanderers — fortunately very few in num- 
ber — who, hoping to attract public attention by throwing discredit on 
every writer whose name is better known than their own, foam and bark 
at their very shadows. These having first maintained for years that the 
doctrines taught in the Theosophist and which later culminated in 
44 Esoteric Buddhism '' had been all invented by the present writer, have 
finally turned round and denounced " Isis Unveiled " and the rest as a 
plagiarism from Elephas Levi, Paracelsus, and mirabile dictu I Buddhism 
and Brahmini8m. As well charge Renan with having stolen his " Vie de 
Jisus " from the Gospels, and Max Miiller his u Sacred Books of the East " 
or his " Chips " from the philosophies of the Brahmins, and Gautama the 
Buddha. But to the public in general and the readers of the " Secret 
Doctrine " I may repeat what I have stated all along, and which I now 
clothe in the words of Montaigne : " Gentlemen : I have' herb hade 


•The emphasis in the quotation Is madam's own. 

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Why the omission of. a few inverted commas should be 
held important after such clear acknowledgment, and be made 
the basis of a serious and degrading charge, is more than I 
-can understand. No canon sanctioned by art or justice will 
maintain the charge. In the books referred to she gleaned 
from both ancient and modern writers and the folk-lore of 
various nations. She always preferred the expression of a 
fact through the words of another to asserting herself. 
Only a generous soul would willingly adopt that method. 
She tried to bring forward every fragment of wisdom with 
which the thinking world was familiar, thus leading the stu- 
dent by known paths to the higher perception brought about 
by what she did that stands apart as a marvel in literature, the 
synthesis she gave us of the religions, philosophies, and science 
of the age. It was the few words here and there of added 
wisdom that indicated the unity underlying the apparent 
diversity of the great systems in the world's thought. There 
was the original work, the " string that tied them." To this 
she also added suggestive hints for new and valuable lines of 
research. Members of the theosophic school of thought who 
are truly students will bear witness to this. When in the 
coming century the aid she has rendered the student bears its 
legitimate fruit, justice will be done the worker who fearlessly 
faced the contumely of a cold and arrogant world with a 
message of wisdom. In those days the ponderous volumes of 
." Isis Unveiled," two in number, and " Secret Doctrine," in 
four volumes, — only two of which are published as yet, — 
will be acknowledged as marvels of erudition and the world 
of scholars will do them honor ; while the little book entitled 
" The Voice of the Silence " will live like a song of the angels 
in the hearts of her pupils, to whom it is dedicated. The 
sublime ethics of this little volume can best be indicated by 
a few quotations : 

If through the Hall of Wisdom thou wouldst reach the Vale of 
Bliss, Disciple, close fast thy senses against the great dire heresy of 
Separateness that weans thee from the rest. 

Strive with thy thoughts unclean before they overpower thee. Use 
them as they will thee, for if thou sparest them and they take root and 
grow, know weU these thoughts will overpower thee and kill thee. Be- 
ware, Disciple, suffer not e en though it be their shadow to approach. 
For it wiU grow, increase in size and power, and from this thing of dark- 
ness wiU absorb thy being before thou hast well realized the black foul 
monster's presence. 

Let thy Soul lend its ear to every cry of pain like as the Lotus bares 
its heart to drink the morning sun. 

But let each burning human tear drop on thy heart and there re- 
main ; nor ever brush it off until the pain that caused it is removed. 

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Desire nothing. Chafe not at Karma, nor at nature's changeless 
laws. But struggle only with the personal, the transitory, the evanes- 
cent, and the perishable/ 

Thou canst not travel on the Path before thou hast become that 
Path itself. 

These few quotations serve to indicate something of the 
moral quality required in an aspirant for the Divine Wisdom. 
To the pupil who is in earnest, making theosophy the un- 
faltering motive of his life, scientific instruction is also given, 
whereby he can develop the two additional senses said to be 
latent in man, and a practical knowledge of occultism. The 
following testimony to the truth of a measure of Helena 
Petrovna Blavatsky's teaching will interest even the general 
reader; it is taken from No. V of the "Theosophical Man- 
uals" issued by the society, which treat of "The Seven 
Principles .of Man," " Death and After," " Reincarnation," 
"Karnia," and the one quoted from, "The Astral Plane," 
wherein Mr. Leadbeater says: 

We must note first that every material object, every particle even, 
has its astral counterpart; and this counterpart is itself not a simple 
body, but is usually extremely complex, being composed of various kinds 
of astral matter. In addition to this, each living creature is surrounded 
with an atmosphere of its own, usually called its Aura, and in the case 
of human beings this Aura forms of itself a very fascinating branch of 
study. It is seen as an oval mass of luminous mist of highly complex 
structure, and from its shape has sometimes been called the Auric egg. 
Theosophical readers will hear with pleasure that even at the early stage 
of his development at which the pupil begins to acquire this astral sight 
lie is able to assure himself by direct observation of the accuracy of the 
teaching given through our great founder, Madam Blavatsky, on the sub- 
ject at least of the seven principles of man. 

The writer then goes on with an analysis of the Aura, too 
long to quote here. 

I want to emphasize an important fact indicated in Mr. 
Leadbeater's words, and that is, while as students we love 
and honor the advanced pupil of the master who heroically 
fulfilled her difficult mission of pointing anew the way to 
wisdom, yet no theosophist pins his faith to the personal 
dictum of any teacher. The teachings of the Theosophical 
Society do not indorse credulity or personal authority. If 
every leader in the organization, from Madam Blavatsky down 
through the entire membership of all the international 
councils from the period of its organization to the present 
hour, should falter on the path and through the weakness 
inherent in human nature should stray into the byways of 
error, it would make no difference to the genuine student who 

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has acquired any degree of perception of the priceless wisdom 
held in the esoteric philosophy, a philosophy that treats of 
man and his relation with the infinite. 

So letting the world say what it will in its idle talk of the 
puzzling personality of Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, while we 
make no infallibility her crown of glory, and worship not at 
the shrine of any idol, still every sincere student in the school 
of her founding will feel his heart thrill responsively to the 
following words of her most brilliant and progressive pupil, 
Annie Besant, recently published in Lucifer : 

For myself, I may say* — as I see in many papers that I am going 
to leave or have left the 'theosophical Society, — that since I joined the 
society in 1889 I have never had one moment's regret for having entered 
it, nay, that each year of membership has brought an ever-deepening 
thankfulness, an ever-increasing joy. I do not expect to find perfection 
either in the outer founders of the society or its members, any more than 
to find it in myself, and I can bear with their errors as I hope they can 
bear with mine. But also I can feel gratitude to Col. Olcott for his 
twenty years of brave and loyal service, and to H. P. B. for the giant 
work she did against materialism, to say nothing of the personal debt to 
her that I can never repay. Acceptance of the gifts she poured out so 
freely binds to her in changeless love and thankfulness all loyal souls 
she served, and the gratitude I owe her grows as I know more and more 
the value of this knowledge and the opportunities to which she opened 
the way. 

So too, in my limited way, would I bear witness to the 
world of the truth of the message brought, and the trust- 
worthiness 6i the messenger who was known in the closing 
years of the nineteenth century as Helena Petrovna Blavatsky. 

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The general discontent of the present manifested among 
wealth creators from the Atlantic to the Pacific suggests to the 
student of history the Corn Law agitation in England, which 
triumphed in spite of the cruel punisliment meted out to the 
leaders of the great agitation in its early days, together with 
the fact that for a long time the leading newspapers of Great 
Britain resolutely refused to permit the cause of the people 

The Work of the Gold Bugs; or "Where He's At." 


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Money Value of <joo lbs., 186 j at $o.8*j j8 per lb. $416.00. 

to be heard in their columns. Moreover, it will be remem- 
bered that at that time both the great parties controlling the 
government were equally opposed to the people in their mighty 
uprising ; but the jus- 
tice of the cause, the 
poverty of the multi- 
tude, and the fact 
that the people who 
were denied intelli- 
gent recognition by a 
subsidized press de- 
voured with avidity 
the multitudes of 
pamphlets and leaf- 
lets with which it was 
said England was 
literally sown at that 
time, and also that 
they were enlightened 
through great politi- 
cal meetings which 
resembled in many in- 
stances religious revi- 
vals and at which such 
men as John Bright, 
Richard Cobden, and 
other illustrious 
statesmen, who in 
those elder days were 
abused as roundly and 
as unscrupulously as 
were Whittier, Sum- 
ner, Lincoln, and Phil- 
lips some years later, 
compelled the people 
to think for themselves 
and thus rendered the 
machinations of the 
two dominant parties, 
though intrenched be- 
hind the bulwarks of 
government and the 
great press of the land, ^^ of ?oolbS| lB94at , a07ittp er,t,. 1,0.90. 

Money Value of 500 lbs.. 1 870 at $0,2598 per lb. $ 1 19.90. 

Money Value of 500 lbs., 1875 at $0.1^47 per lb. $77. jo. 

Money Value of *ou ids.. 1000 ai *o.i 1 $ 1 per lb. 9f7*S<> 

Money Vaiue 01 500 ids.. 100? ai $0.1045 P^ l0 * ft£ 2 * 2 ?: 

Money Value of ;oo lbs.. 1890 at So. 1 107 per lb. S?$ ,9. 

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Uncle Sam's "Crown of Thorns." 

ho* long, O Lordf How-lone "tit Thou forget me? How long wilt Thou hide thy face from me? How 
long shall I take counsel in my soul having sorrow in my heart dailyr How long shall my enemies be exalted ovet 
me? Consider and hew me. O Lord, my Cod : lighten mine eyes, lest I sleep the sleep of death. 

-Psalms. ska. i. j. i. 

absolutely powerless l>efore the aroused indignation of an 
awakened people. In many respects the symptoms of the 
Corn Law agitation as it neared ite triumphant close are 
markedly present to-day. Not only have the people been 
slowly educated through the systematic betrayal of their 
interests by both the great parties, through broken pledges 

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Why should these be Emblems of Poverty ? And this of Patriotism? 

and the domination of the gold ring's influence on the adminis- 
trative and legislative departments of government, but the 
metropolitan press has been so overawed by the handful of 
multi-millionnaires known as "financiers," that the reading 
public have been compelled to look to other sources for any- 
thing like an impartial or intelligent discussion of financial 
problems, precisely as they were at the time when the Whigs 
and Tories in England were pitted against the people, vainly 
believing that they could continue forever to play fast and 
loose with the populace and imagining that by traducing every 
bold, able, and unpurchasable friend of the people they would 
be able to continue their dominion indefinitely. 

A significant symptom of the widespread and incontrollar 
ble discontent of the present hour is strikingly illustrated in 
the successive Waterloos encountered by the two dominant 

The Work of the Gold Bugs. 

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A Cartoon for the Times, with lines adapted from Shelley. 

parties during the past twelve years, no less than in the steady 
Mse of an independent or non-conformist press which has 
fearlessly and frequently at a great cost to its proprietors, 
owing to the increased poverty of the masses, stood for fun- 
damental justice and social reformation. This press, which 
at first numbered a few scores of papers, has now increased to 
something like three thousand journals. 

Another very positive symptom of the general discontent 
has been the call for cartoons which have expressed the senti- 
ment of jnillions of America's wealth creators. These car- 
toons have frequently been wretchedly executed from an 
artistic point of view. If the gold ring, the railroad mo- 
nopoly, the standard oil, beef, whiskey, sugar trusts, or any 
other of the vast corporations had been l)ehind this mighty 
uprising of the people, we should have had all the artistic 
results which money could procure ; but these cartoons, 

Did God Put All the BraJns Under These, 

And All the Power of Suffering Under Thesef 

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" Thou art the Man." 

crude as many of them have been, are valuable as illustrating 
the pronounced and wide-spread and rapidly accelerating 
discontent of the American masses ; a discontent which, as I 
have before observed, has been for a quarter of a century 
assuming greater and greater proportions alike under Republi- 
can and Democratic rule, under the " McKinley war tariff " 
no less than under the " Wilson tariff," and which the peo- 
ple at last recognize as due to the fact that both the great 
parties have pursued substantially the same financial policy 
and for the spoil of office have surrendered the interests of 
the nation no less than the happiness of the masses and the 
prosperity of business interests to England's financial policy 
and the American Tories. 

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In this paper I have reproduced a few cartoons and object 
lessons which were drawn for Vox PopulU Sound Money, 
and other non-conformist papers, and which have been copied 
in hundreds if not thousands of journals. They are espe- 
cially interesting as being symptomatic of our times as well 
as carrying with them suggestive thoughts and forcible truths 
which are carefully barred from the columns of the pluto- 
cratic or gold press. 

The Two Old Parties as the "Two Dromios." 

"Methinks you are my glass* and not my brother.**— Comedy of Errors, Act V., Scene L 

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A Novel of Tennessee Life. 



The clock above the mantel monotonously ticked off the 
time ; the wounded hand, sponged and bound, lay on the 
doctor's knee ; the strong clear profile of the guest shone with 
cameo effect against the crimson firelight as the owner turned 
his face from the physician's. Suddenly he faced him ; in the 
clear depths of his eyes the tears were shining. 

" And you didn't Ml him?" he said, — "you didn't kill 
him, like you would kill a dog?" 

" No, he lives yet ; she is dead, though, years ago." 

44 You ought ter 'a' killed him. He ware not fittin' to live." 

44 Would his death have restored to me that which her 
perfidy had lost me, — my peace, my faith, my mother? " 

" Well, no," said Joe, " but I'd 'a' killed him. I'd 'a' had my 
satisfaction that far." 

44 No," said the doctor ; " I chose the better part, I hope. I 
gathered my burden to my shoulders as best I could, and for 
thirty years almost I have stumbled along with it in the dark. 
But, Bowen — " 

He leaned forward, placing a hand upon either knee of his 
visitor, compelling his strict attention — "I resolved with 
God's help and man's strength that I would never be the 
despoiler of any man's happiness. That is why I called you 
in to-night." 

He got up hastily, and began to walk the floor. Joe 
regarded him steadily a moment, then he too arose. 

44 Doctor Borin'," he said, 44 1 have been a fool : I have been 
a great fool. I'd like to ask yb' — " 

44 It was granted long ago," said the doctor. 44 Look at the 
clock, — twelve. That is your candle on the mantel. Aunt 
Dilcy built your fire two hours ago." 

The mountaineer regarded him stupidly; he had a faint 
suspicion that the rehearsal of his wrongs had unsettled the old 
man's mind. 


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44 If Zip don't min' lettin' me have that hat o' mine he's 
made his bed in, I'm goin' home," said he. 44 1 reckin my nag 
is in an' about froze by this time." 

44 Your horse has been in the stable for hours, ever since you 
came. You are not going away from here to-night. The guest 
chamber is waiting for you. We are to be fast friends from 
this on, Bowen. We will begin by your sharing my roof 

He was lighting the candle as he spoke ; when he held it 
toward the mountaineer the latter shook his head. 

44 Not yet," said he. 44 1 tell you, Doctor Borin', I ain't fittin* 
ter be yo' friend. I want ter be, but O Lord ! — I tell you ; 
you must take my horse for the one I killed." 

44 We will talk about that to-morrow," said the doctor. 

44 No, sir, to-night, now. You must promise to take my 
horse ; he's a good one, an' I'm fond of him. But I'll feel 
like a thief, an' a sneak-thief at that, unless you say you'll 
take him. He's in your stable, thar he stays, an we're even. 
Be it so?" 

44 Be it so," said the doctor. 

44 Good ; gimme my light ; though I ain't sayin' as I don't 
feel like a blamed fool, an' a horse thief, an' Brother Barry 
all to once." 

He thundered up the stair, spilling the hot sperm upon the 
linen bandage that enwrapped his wounded hand. The 
physician sat a long while before the fire, his head dropped 
forward in the weary way that had come to him of late. 
The grate grew red, then gray, before he rose and began to 
disrobe for the night. 

44 A disturber of no man's peace," he said softly as he bent 
to lay a shovelful of ashes on the dying coals. 44 A spoiler 
of no man's happiness. No man can charge me with that. 
Yet I could have won her, — she is very gentle and pliable 
and sympathetic ; I could have — won." 

He turned off his lamp and crept into bed. The moon- 
light through the window where he had failed to drop the 
curtain fell upon his face while he slept ; gently, a caress in 
each silvery beam, as if they would have smoothed the lines 
grief had traced upon the full pale brow. 

When he awoke the sun shone, and his guest was gone. 

44 Tromped off befo' breakfus," said Ephraim, 44 leavin' his 
black horse in de stable." 

The presence of the horse confirmed the presence of his 

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master, which in the good glad light of day the physician 
was for an instant disposed to regard as a part of the last 
night's dreams; it gave the stamp of genuineness also to 
Joe's regret for past unfriendliness. 

Later in the day Lissy stopped at the gate to ask the doc- 
tor to go up and see Lucy Ann's baby. 

" It's real bad off," she declared, " with the measles." 

It was such a message as she brought any day, yet she was 
awkward and slow in delivering it, and he noticed that the 
gray eyes refused to meet his with their old-time frankness. 

Joe's jealousy had revealed the physician in a new light ; 
the mere suspicion of love had poisoned the perfect friendship. 

44 Are you going back up there ? " said the doctor. 

44 1 can go 2 you want to send some thin'," she replied, 44 but 
I'll have to hurry back home again." It was the first time 
since he had known her that she had not found time to devote 
to the sick. 

44 No," he said, 44 1 can go up, though I am a little busy. It 
is a tiresome walk and you have taken it once this morning. 
Moreover, you seem to be as busy as I." 

Without a moment's hesitation she stepped into the trap he 
set for her. 

44 It ain't anything but can wait as well as not," she 
insisted. 44 An' I don't mind the walk a bit. I'm strong an' 
young. You better send me in yo' stead." 

She had not meant to hurt him, he knew it. He knew that 
to her the years that lay between them were as nothing. Yet 
her words hurt. He began to see how old he must appear to 
other people ; began to see himself that he was an old man ; 
44 an old fool," he said, 44 so old that even Joe Bowen had 
comprehended at last the folly of being jealous of such an 
ancient." But there he did himself and Joe injustice. That 
gentleman had never discovered any reason on earth why the 
doctor should not love and marry Alicia, save that he wanted 
her for himself. Joe's was a primitive faith. To his think- 
ing, love could come but once. And this love of the doctor's, 
with its tincture of tragedy, must, according to his idea, forever 
debar the heart where it had been harbored against all meaner 
passions. That first love is all-love is granted by those more 
skilled in heart lore and more worldly wise than Joe. With 
him it was not a question of will ; and he had failed to catch 
the finer point of honor with which the physician meant to 
pledge himself in an unspoken promise not to interfere with 

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his love affair. To him it was an impossibility ; as much so 
as the new growth of a limb that has been amputated from the 
human body. With him love had no second birth. A primi- 
tive faith, and, like other primitive beliefs, gone to find a grave 
in the cobwebbed past. 

Alicia refused to " come in," but said " good mornin' " in 
the stiffest way, and went home. 

"Anybody would think, to see her," mused the doctor, 
44 that I had robbed her henroost, or refused to pay my truck 

The coming of Mrs. Tucker a few minutes later, however, 
changed the current of his thought. 

44 Doctor Borin'," she began, 44 1 reckin I pester you a heap 
with my troubles. I reckin we all pester you, right smart." 

44 Sit down there by the fire," said the doctor, "and while 
you are thawing tell me what the 4 trouble ' is this time. What 
is a physician for, if not to listen to the ailings of his patients ? " 

She took the chair he placed for her, and pushing back the 
familiar black bonnet, said : 

44 Doctor Borin', I have come down here to ax you for a 
settlemint. I reckin the interest on my debt to you will in 
an' about eat me out o' house an' home. You air a city doctor, 
but a mighty good one. I ain't faultin' of you for bein' a 
city man : you couldn't holp that. But I have heard say city 
men axed mighty high for their se'ves, an' I'm a po' woman. 
But I'm honest; an' you'll git yo' pay, Doctor Borin', if I 
have to sell my house an' bit o' Ian' for it. I've come down 
here to tell you so, an' ter ax for a settlemint." 

44 Haven't time to-day," laughed the doctor. 44 Besides, I 
have a new patient at your house. Wait until I cure the 
baby, then we'll bunch the debts and make one of them. I 
want you to take some medicine up to Lucy Ann ; and see 
that the measles don't 4 go in,' and that the baby doesn't take 
cold. No, it isn't any use to try to pin me down to arithme- 
tic to-day. I am going down to Pelham to call on Joe 
Bowen : he promised to let me have a load of hay for my 

He saw the worried expression come into her eyes, and 
gave up teasing. 

44 Wait," he said. 44 How much do I owe you ? " 

She was an honest trader, a careful accountant. 

44 You owe me," she replied, in a slow, business-like way, 
44 two dollars an' seventy-five cents. I owe you so much — " 

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"I am keeping my side of the account," he interrupted her 
to say. " You look to yours." 

"lam gittin' to be an ol' woman, Doctor Bonn'," she con- 
tinued, " an' I want to leave myse'f square with the world 
when I come ter quit it. I owe you so much that I've been 
a'most afeared ter ax you how much it ah-. But I've saved 
up a little money ter he'p pay you anyhow, an' I'm proper 
glad to git you ter talk about it at last. That two dollars an' 
seventy-five cents — " 

" There it is," said the doctor. "I am putting it into your 
egg basket, since you do not seem to see it. And now, my 
good woman, we are square. That is our settlement." 

She stared first at him, then at the silver he had slipped 
into her basket. 

" But, Doctor Borin'," she began, when he again interrupted 

"Bring me some more chickens, if I haven't emptied 
your roost." 

She understood at last, and went out silent, but with tears 
in her eyes. 

The next morning Lissy came down to the gate and sent 
for him to come out. Al was sick ; he had been taken with 
a chill the night before, and she had wished to come "for him 
then, but her grandmother was opposed to it. She had given 
him a quantity of pepper tea and had put him to bed, to wait 
for the herb doctor. 

u He's real sick, Doctor Bonn'," Alicia continued, " an' I 
wish you would go over an' see him befo' the herb doctor 
gets there." 

" I cannot do that, Lissy," he replied ; " but if you will come 
in I will fill some quinine capsules for Al. But you must 
come in the house. I shall not touch them if you insist upon 
hanging on my gate-post for half an hour in the cold." 

She hesitated, blushing. It did not appear altogether proper 
for her to go in alone, and no woman there but an old negress. 
While she hesitated he opened the gate and led her in, up the 
walk, into the little sitting-room where patients and other 
visitors came every day, almost every hour of the day. 

" What in the name of common sense has come over you, 
child ? " he asked fretfully, in order to disguise the pleasure 
he felt in having her once more sitting opposite him at his 
own hearth. " You're getting tired of the old hospital, Lissy ; 
I just know that's it. And everybody else in the neighbor- 

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hood likes it, likes to come here. Mrs. Tucker sat an hour 
only yesterday." 

His words and manner quite reassured her. After all, she 
was fond of coming over and chatting with him before the 
big fire, with the terrier asleep in her lap, and Aunt Dilcy 
putting her head in now and then to give the milk jar a turn 
on the hearth where she always set it until ready for the 
churn. Sometimes Al came over with her, and then the visit 
was real pleasant But of late, — well, after all, she failed 
to detect any difference in the doctor's manner, so she con- 
cluded Joe had allowed his jealousy to warp his good sense. 
The doctor didn't appear near so fond of her as he did of the 
terrier on her lap. 

"I will fill the capsules," he said, seating himself to the 
task, "and you may give one to Al every two hours. You 
can give them on the sly if there's any fuss made." 

44 I'll give them fair an' square, if granny'll let me," she 
replied. " I won't do anything on the sly. I reckin granny'll 
throw it all in the fire for a lot o' foolishness, because it's 
bitter instead of hot. Granny believes in fire. Grandad 
says that's why she's so wedded to the bad place ; it's hot. 
He sayp hell's about the only medicine ever give that was 
hot enough for granny. An' he says she's equal to a pretty 
big dose of that. Doctor Borin', if I ever get sick I want 
you to doctor me. Remember now you're notified befo'- 
hand. Will you?" 

44 If you let me know you are ill before you send for the 
undertaker," he replied, tapping the quinine bottle with his 
finger until the white fluffy powder lay in a soft heap on the 
paper he had spread upon the table to receive it. "You 
people have a way of getting sick and sending for a physi- 
cian while they are taking your measure for a coffin." 

She laughed softly, twirling her hat upon her slender, well- 
shaped finger. 

44 Well, I'm too healthy to send for either of you yet" she 
said. 44 When I die," — she glanced up, caught the expression 
in his eyes, and blushed. Was Joe right after all? His 
next words almost made her think herself a fool. 

44 Be sure you are not guilty of such a folly until I get 
home again," said he. 44 1 am going back to the city soon to 
be gone — months." 

He was watching her now so intently she dared not look 
up, and so failed to read the truth, as Joe had seen it, in his 

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eyes. He saw her start, however, and his heart gave a sud- 
den joyous bound, although she went on talking quietly, even 
merrily, of his going. 

u I sha'n't die befo' you get back, I reckin. I'm healthy 
an' strong. I reckin I ought to be thankful ; I am thankful, 
though I ain't as rejoiced over the comin' back of Brother 
Berry as I might be." 

He was silent, hoping she would talk on ; it was a happi- 
ness to have her sit there in his house and prattle in her 
sweet, girlish way. But when she drew her chair a trifle 
nearer the table and began helping him fill the capsules in a 
matter-of-fact, at-home way, his happiness was complete, so 
thoroughly in her proper place did she appear. " I reckin," 
she went on to say, " they're all expectin' a big revival. Joe 
said he lay I'd give in this time sure. An' little Al has 
asked granny ter ask the church folks to pray for him. I 
know he's a sight better than a lot of them, but I don't say 
so ; I wouldn't hinder nobody, let alone little Al. But for 
me, I can't see my way plain to believe. They haven't ex- 
plained away that resurrection of the body yet, not to my 

He could help her over this stone at all events. 

44 Lissy," he said, " that is the easiest part of the problem. 

He leaned forward, a half-filled capsule in his hand, his arm 
resting upon the table. 

44 You put a seed in the ground in the springtime, — a grain 
of corn. In a little while there appears a tender shoot of 
green, and you say your seed has 4 come up ; ' yet it is not a 
seed ; it is no longer a grain of corn. And if you dig there 
the next spring and every spring until decay has carried it 
away you will find the rotted roots, the skeleton of the seed 
you sowed. Yet the seed came up, albeit in another form. 
Was it the seed you sowed ? So it is with our natural body ; 
it is sown in corruption, in the earth ; it is raised a spiritual 
body, incorruptible. Like 'the seed you sow, it is not the 
body which shall be, but bare grain, 4 it may chance of wheat 
or of some other grain.' But God giveth it a body, a new 
body, just as he gives a new form to your seed when you 
say it has come up." 

She had listened with a kind of rapt intentness while he 
revealed for her the mystery of her doubt. When he fin- 
ished a smile parted her lips. 44 Why, it's as easy as dirt," 

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she laughed. " I see it as plain as day now. Doctor Borin\ 
I wonder if the rest might not be just as easy, with somebody 
to explain it all ? " 

" Just as easy, dear — child," he replied, blushing like a 
boy for the slip his tongue had made. " Just you go on liv- 
ing one day at a time, doing your duty as seems right to you, 
and letting creeds and mysteries take care of themselves. 
Take this for your creed, 4 For me, I do believe in God and 
love.' That's creed enough to live by, and life well lived 
will light death's lantern, never doubt it." 

The gray eyes were aglow with surprised delight. 

"Why, Doctor Borin', you're not an infidel," she said. 
44 You talk like the preacher." 


She laughed aloud. 44 1 mean the Episcoper at Sewanee, 
not Brother Barry. O Lord ! I hope you don't think I'd call 
you like Brother Barry. But you ain't like an infidel neither." 

44 Joe says I am." 

44 Oh Joe ; he's always talkin', and he certainly does talk 
sban'lous sometimes ; but it's funny too; to save my life I can'Jb 
help laughin' at him sometimes. Joe says that Moses left off 
one comman'ment he ought to have put down on them tables 
of stone. He forgot it, Joe says. 4 Plough your oum row? 
That's the other comman'ment Joe says as ought ter have 
been put down. And he says he ain't been so mighty admir- 
in' of them Israelites, who borrowed all their neighbors' eai> 
rings and jewelry and then set out for the promised- land. 
Joe says if they ware to try that these times all the promised 
land they'd reach would be the state prison. And he says 
just ordinary folks air runnin' this country too, and not Moseses. 
That's what Joe says. Brother Barry says Joe's awful 
wicked, and that something'U certain'y happen to him for his 
wickedness. Goodness knows I hope it won't be another cow 
to die with the milksick poison. I'm afraid Joe's sins will in 
and about kill up all his stock and cattle befo' I go down to 
Pelham. And when the two of - us gets there I reckin both 
our sins, Joe's and mine, will about finish up things, — burn up 
the house, or set rust in the wheat or somethin'. Joe ought 
to think about that befo' he fetches another sinner to his 
farm. Good by, Doctor Borin'. I've got to go carry the 
quinine to Al. It's mighty good of you to fix it for him. 
And I'm much obliged to you till you're better paid. You 
better come to meet'n' next month and get religion. Sometliin' 

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will happen to you first thing you know. Zip might ketch 
the mumps or somethin' else dreadful. You better stay here 
and get religion under Brother Barry, 'stead of runnin' off to 
town so soon." 

Was she acting? More than once he had detected, or 
thought he had, an insincere note in her voice, and when she 
set him laughing over Joe's foolish sayings, he had looked up 
to find that her own face was entirely destitute of mirth. He 
had been so satisfied to have her sit there in his house, at his 
side, so near him that her slight fingers among his capsules 
and powders touched his own more than once, thrilling him 
with strangely sweet content, that he had forgotten to sound 
her heart as he had meant to do, and to administer the advice 
for which indeed he had called her in. 

" Lissy," he said, "sit still a moment. I want to talk to you." 
She paled and flushed by turns, and nervously fingered 
the box of quinine with wliich he had provided her. 

"Alicia," said the doctor, "have you and Joe adjusted 
your difference ? I mean have you made up your quarrel ? " 
" No, sir," she replied ; " we ain't friends, not like we useter 


He saw the color in her face deepen ; her eyes were bent 
upon her hands working nervously in her lap. Did he 
know ? she wondered : did he think that she was fool enough 
to suppose that he could care for her, — a humble little 
pedler of the vegetables which her hands had raised ? Em- 
barrassment sealed her lips. 

For him, he would have sounded her heart for the one 
certain blessed knowledge that he was not altogether merely 
a foolish old man to her. 

He leaned forward to look into her eyes. 
" Alicia," he said, the tenderness of his tone giving new 
music to the pretty, old-fashioned name. "Alicia, may I 
help you to set Joe right ? I am an old friend, you know." 
She flashed upon him with sudden vehemence : 
" No, sir," she said ; " I don't want any help to do that. 
But," she added more gently, "I'm much obliged to you, 
Doctor Borin'. I know you meant it kind, but I haven't set- 
tled it in my own min' yet that I want to make it up with Joe." 

" I allowed you'd be surprised some ; but Joe's been mighty 

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He flushed, understanding thoroughly wherein Joe's folly 

44 How has he been foolish ? What has he done ? " 

He was watching her keenly; she was too honest, too 
innocently naive not to betray her real feeling under his cun- 
ning probing. 

44 Well, he's been unreas'nable anyhow," she replied. 
44 An' he has been mighty free with his fault-findin'. He has 
showed me somethin' in his disposition that I don't like, 
Doctor Borin'." 

44 Young men, young lovers, are always exacting, Alicia." 

44 Then I don't want 'em," she replied with blunt honesty. 
44 1 won't have my life made a tirade and a continual jow. I 
aim to do some good in the worl' if I can ; and if I marry at 
all, I'm going to marry a man steady and sober, an' live quiet 
and helpful. I ain't so mighty anxious to marry at all." 

Again life offered him a chance, and again he chose the 
nobler part — the nobler is ever the harder part. 

44 Alicia," he said, 44 you are young. But there is a woman- 
liness about you that should win you a strong man's earnest 
love — " 

He paused ; she was looking straight into his eyes ; as he 
continued he saw a warm light kindle in the shadowy gray 
depths of her own, a response that was ready to awaken with 
the slightest hint. 

He leaned forward and folded her hands, palm to palm, 
between his own. 

44 You can have the life your heart calls for, the quiet, 
steady life. And you would be content with it. But, dear 
— my dear child, it would slay your youth at the outset, 
drop you from girl to woman. And your content would con- 
sist in ignorance, since you would never know the real joy, 
the aliveness of happiness which only the young and senti- 
mental may feel. You must live your youth, have your joy. 
Joe loves you, and his is an honest, earnest nature. He will 
never be unkind to you. The little whims of the lover do 
not appear in the husband. You must think of it, Alicia. I 
am going away soon, to be gone until the azaleas come again. 
When I return I shall expect to find you happy, through my 
advice. You will not disappoint me, Alicia ? I am an old 
man, but in my youth I too had a love, a love for a woman 
who cruelly cast it from her. And I can swear to you that 
an honest man's honest love doesn't easily die. Be good to 

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Joe ; a cruel woman is God's abomination ; I feel sure of it. 
Go home now, and give Al his quinine. I have kept you a 
long time." 

She rose with him, and he opened the door for her to pass 
out. Had she grasped his meaning? Had he hurt her? 
Her face, as he caught a last glimpse of it, wore a puzzled 
look ; into the gray eye the shadows had returned. His heart 
smote him sharply, but it was best, "best all round," he 
told himself, and that she " would soon forget it." As she 
reached the outer door, he called to her pleasantly : 

" Oh, Lissy, I am going to bring you a wedding present 
when I come back." 

She waved her hand lightly, but gave him no other reply. 
Yet he noticed that in the poise of her head which he had 
never observed before. There was a dignity, almost a* defi- 
ance, in the way she carried herself ; her very feet seemed to 
touch the ground with a new meaning, as if they demanded of 
the solid earth a footing strong as its own adamant far down 
among its basic foundations. 

The physician watched until the red-crowned head disap- 
peared down the brown footpath. 

" More strength than stability," was his thought. " Under 
favorable circumstances she would have developed a ten- 
dency to fanaticism. With a guiding hand, what a force she 
might prove in her day ! As it is — ah well ; there is no 
telling the by-paths into which a nature like hers may turn." 

(To be continued.) 


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" I have had a strange and dreadful dream, father," said 
Ruby one morning. " You sat in a chair in your study alone ; 
I came to the door to speak to you, but thought you must be 
deeply meditating, and would have withdrawn, when my 
attention was attracted by a most wonderful phenomenon. I 
saw* your spirit drawn forth from out the body and form a 
perfect double of yourself, except that I realized that this 
was your true self, your spiritual body ; and as I looked I 
realized that your natural body had died the moment the 
spiritual body came forth, and, oh, father ! such agony as I 
endured when I realized that I could not speak to you and 
that you could not hear my voice." 

She noticed a sweet, sad expression upon the calm white 
face, only for a moment, then it was replaced by a joyous, 
triumphant smile. 

" You are positive that you were asleep, Ruby ? " 

44 Yes, father, for I awoke and thanked God it was only a 
dream ; and then I lay awake until morning, and fell asleep 
just when I should have been bright and dressed." 

" Would it not be beautiful, my child, if you could see my 
spiritual body just as you saw it then? Would it not com- 
fort you rather than frighten or distress you ? " 

44 Why, certainly, father, if your natural body indeed were 
dead, but I could not speak to you." 

44 Tell me, child, what is it like, this spiritual body of 
mine ? " 

44 Just like your natural body, father, form, face, and # fea- 
tures, only younger and more real, father." 

"More real?" 

44 Yes, indestructible ; and I saw how possible it would be 
for such bodies to move about us without occupying space, 
just as the silvery clouds float above us, into which the birds 
may fly, a balloon ascend ; and — father, may it not be true 
that those shining clouds are the floating garments of spirits 


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and angels that bring messages from heaven, the blue, the 
gold, the purple, the white and silver ? " 
44 Was I a winged spirit ? " 

44 Oh no, father, only a man ; but I know that to ascend 
and descend, to soar amid the stars, would be not only possi- 
ble but the easiest thing to do ; to be with angels and with 

44 That was certainly a beautiful and instructive dream 
vision, my child, and comforts me, for it is an answer to my 
oldest prayer. I take it, darling, that when I go hence my 
Ruby has but to close her eyes and think of father and she 
-will see him always as she saw him then. Death would not 
be so terrible then, would it, .my child ? " 

44 No, father, no ; and yet I should miss you so, your coun- 
sel and encouragement." 

44 You would have it always then, far wiser and more un- 
erring than now." 

Mr. Gladstone related the conversation to Dr. Cadmus and 
told him that his end was near ; that Ruby had seen what had 
really occurred in the spiritual world, and that the ultimation 
of it was a question of a short time, not to exceed a year. 
And then he began to accustom himself to the thought and 
comfort Ruby with the belief that they should never be sep- 
arated, that his prayers were granted and that her spiritual 
sight was opened ; and he explained why he had always be- 
lieved in it ; that her respiration was peculiar and different 
from other persons, and confided to her some of his own 

44 O grave, where is thy victory ? O death, where is thy 
sting ? " he said, folding her in his arms and kissing her fair 
young brow. 


We have seen that Dr. Cadmus was busy with the scien- 
tific and political questions of the day, and never lost an 
opportunity to express his sentiments when he thought he 
could get a sympathetic hearing. He regarded Mr. Gladstone 
not only as a great humanitarian, but as a religionist hewing 
out a new path. 

44 1 assure you, Mr. Gladstone, that before the new thought 
will prosper you must destroy the old," he said. 

44 That would scarcely be practicable. One might as well say 
that in the improvement of a great city all the old tenements 

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must be destroyed before new ones were built. Do you 
not perceive that when a better, more convenient, wholesome, 
sensible building is erected, an old one is vacated and the 
inhabitants voluntarily change, and owners looking to their 
own interests are building to suit the people. Schools, 
churches, etc., are no exception to this rule. You do not 
need to point out the advantages ; they see your building is 
superior in all respects and they accept it. This is the exter- 
nal of it. Now build them a new order of things in politics, 
in religion, in medicine, and they will accept it. You say 
they must have a new God. Show him to them. Do not 
destroy their old God first ; let them keep him and compare 
the two and choose between them." 

With all his great general plans* Dr. Cadmus had one par- 
ticular plan in life. It was the establishing of a new race of 
physical beings upon the earth* This great wish had been 
his father's, his grandfather's. He saw new possibilities for 
the human race, nobler and grander than had ever been 
dreamed of in any other era of human existence. As a scien- 
tist he had demonstrated it. He believed that such religion- 
ists as Mr. Gladstone were the natural allies of the scientists, 
and as the religionists rule the world because they rule the 
people, he must have their co-operation. When Mr. Glad- 
stone praised the doctor's gifted son, Dr. Cadmus was eager 
to explain the scientific why his son was different from other 
men's sons. He went into the details of his procreation and 
the prenatal influences. 

He said: " There can be no permanent progress toward the 
perfection of humanity till the people are instructed in and 
learn to obey prenatal laws ; until then the world must be con- 
tinually peopled with inharmonious beings. If physicians 
would turn their attention to the causes and prevention of 
disease, and clergymen direct their chief efforts toward the 
causes and prevention of sin, the true welfare of the race 
would be advanced as never before. Physical and moral 
education must go together. 

" Every person should understand that the relation existing 
between the mental condition and the circulation of the blood 
is very minute ; and that the tendency of fear, jealousy, selfish- 
ness, and the black group of passions in general is toward 
discord and death; while faith, hope, cheerfulness, temper- 
ance, love, — all the virtues lead to harmony, health, and life. 
Under the depressing influence of anxiety, grief, and fear, the 

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amount of air consumed in a given time is lessened from 
twenty-five to fifty per cent, while on the other hand the exhil- 
arating effect of faith, hope, and love increases the respiration 
correspondingly. Breath is life. Teach children to breathe ; 
air is more than food or raiment" 

" We agree most thoroughly on all these points," said Mr. 
Gladstone. u Our hopes and aims have been in the same 
direction so far as our children are concerned. 

" And the result in either has been most satisfactory; to 
one of us through science, to the other through religion. 
Like sees like, and there is no perfect union in this attraction 
of opposites. Instinct teaches animals and birds better. 
Crows and doves never mate, nor the skylark and the ground 
sparrow. Come, my dear sir, let us wed religion and science, 
— your daughter and my son; for these two must love each 
other as the angels love." 

Although Mr. Gladstone had felt that this must be the 
grand finale of all their conversations, this proposal of mar- 
riage, he had thought of it as something in the future, in 
another life perhaps, as already existing in the spirit from a 
time long prior to their meeting. He understood that Dr. 
Cadmus had a scientific hobby and had probably sat his son 
upon it and taught him to ride it in his babyhood as tie only 
hobby horse worth riding. He knew that ail scientific medi- 
cal men were eagerly looking for something, expecting to be 
the discoverers of the causes of this or that great phenomenon. 
One took up his scalpel hoping to find the source of thought, 
perhaps catch a subtle essence, the thing divine, and thus do 
away with the idea of divine influx ; to discover that the 
mind generates thought as the lining membrane of the stom- 
ach secretes gastric juiee or the salivary glands secrete 
saliva, and some day to discover the very seat of the soul, 
the throne of reason, and find both to be little material organs 
that could be taken out and preserved in alcohol, as the 
foetus or the brain, and to discover in the heart the abode of 
love, which would prove to be only a chemical generated by 
this same heart; a panacea or a poison, owing to the condi- 
tion of the generating process. 

He had watched the course of the great ones for many 
years and wondered if there could be no genius without im- 
morality, no talent without infidelity. 

Here were both talent and genius in this young Greek, and 
neither immorality nor infidelity according to his view, and 

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yet he could see how the world would grade both. Like tfie 
father the son believed that the old order of things must Be 
destroyed before a new order of things could exist ; and he 
was preparing himself for the conflict. Would he pull down 
or build up ? Where . would he begin ? On the side of 
science or religion, politics or — where — and in whatever he 
undertook would Ruby prove his true helpmate ? Had he 
indeed produced as strong a character aided by his religion 
as Dr. Cadmus had aided by his science ? 

While he sat silently communing with himself Dr. Cadmus 
walked the floor in some agitation, but outwardly perfectly 
self-possessed. He had hoped to be met half way with out- 
stretched hands by the orator, and that very soon the picture 
would change and he would see Ruby fly to the open arms of 
his son. He had reasons for pressing the question, scientific 
reasons. The quick eye of the scientist saw what the quick 
eye of love also detected. Mr. Gladstone might die any day, 
any moment, and Dr. Cadmus would know his wishes and 
have Ruby understand that he favored his son's suit, had all 
arranged, even though the marriage might be delayed. Mr. 
Gladstone was suffering from no disease — he was quite well, 
but he realized that only a thin veil separated him from the 
great unknown; a rude hand might tear it aside at any 
moment ; a sudden shock might destroy the tabernacle, and 
the spirit stood at the windows ready to depart at a 
moment's warning. Dr. Cadmus never looked into Mr. 
Gladstone's eyes without realizing this. He felt that Ruby 
was not ignorant in the matter, and he pointed out this fact 
to his son, who would recall his wonderful voice so full of 
power and pathos, so all-encompassing, and he could not but 
argue and believe that physical strength had something to do 
with such power. 

44 1 tell you no," his father said. " His body is spiritualized, 
the grosser material is so refined that the spirit manifests 
itself with perfect voice and action. The spirit is all-power- 
ful. It is the house of clay, the chrysalis, that will soon drop 
off, suddenly, as the closing of an eye." 

Yes, it was all true ; and as Mr. Gladstone pondered the 
question now a painful expression so new and strange marked 
his features, that Dr. Cadmus paused in his walk and marvelled 
at its cause. What was it ? A rush of dark waters over a 
pure page of paper could not have sullied it more than these 
changing thoughts did the white face of Mr. Gladstone. It 

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wai indeed violent emotion, heroically suppressed, but the 
scientist saw now the great enemy of his friend — some 
ttnconquered — what could it be ? 

The proud man turned his head away and shaded his eyes 
with his hand. Delicacy of feeling was ever on the alert in 
Dr. Cadmus, and he paused and said, " I will leave you to con- 
sider this matter alone, and you • can give me your answer at 
another time." 

Mr. Gladstone did not rise, did not iemove his hand from 
his eyes, but cordially putting out the disengaged hand said, 
44 Yes, leave me now. Understand this: I love your son, 
shall welcome him as my own ; but I would speak with him 
of another matter first. I, in other words, must begin as he 
does, by destroying before building up. I cannot make 
myself understood to-day. I must speak with your son — 
then to Ruby — there might be an obstacle — an insurmount- 
able obstacle — leave me, my dear sir. To-morrow afternoon 
I shall call upon you, or — write you." 

"Is it that you doubt your daughter's affection for my 
son and would speak to her first ? " 

44 No, frankly, no. Her heart is his. I would speak to 
your son first upon another subject." 

44 Other than his love for your daughter? " 

44 Yes, but — it may be a test of that love — too great a 
test. Strange I never thought of it before." 

44 1 assure you, my dear sir, he would only be too proud 
to have you test it. I hope, sir, that it may be the severest 
test your ideality can conjure up, for surely it could only be 
that ; there is no real test to make." 

44 Ah well, — I shall see you to-morrow, or write you. 
Good by." 

The Doctor would gladly have dropped the subject and 
remained, but he saw that the master preferred to be alone, 
and he withdrew. 

That evening Mr. Gladstone walked miles in the Temple, 
wandering amid the statues and the palms, now in the gal- 
lery, now below, with head bent forward and his hands 
locked behind him, rapt in deep, absorbing thought. Wres- 
tling with unseen demons for his daughter's peace and happi- 
ness would not have called forth greater mastery and self- 
control, a keener sight or action moulded to the thought, to 
meet each devilish monster that rose up. 

44 Well, well ; study as I will I am no nearer the solution 

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of the matter. A night's rest, and then the circumstances 
when I speak will suggest what to say. Would that it were 
already said, or that my Ruby could look within and read 
my soul, for only that could tell the tale. These lips are 
dumb when I would speak, as though some angel sealed 
them. This hand is paralyzed when I would write and lift 
the pall from that dead past, as though it were a sacrilege and 
an effort to defame a tabernacle. No, no, no. There are 
some things we cannot say, some things we may not do. The 
flesh is rude ; it cannot paint pictures that the spirit can 
create ; all effort is but failure. Could my soul but speak 
to her soul, my spirit to her spirit, there could be no mis- 
understanding. Then could my spirit, in the very clouds of 
heaven, unfold the great panorama of that past and let my 
child look up and see and feel without a word from me ! 
Great God ! How magnified our sin must be, that thou hast 
limited by speech the expression of our souls, our spirits, 
on this earth. O for that other life, where to ask is to 
have, to think is to see, to wish is to know ! " 

And Ruby wondered what it was. The same old some- 
thing which from her earliest memory she had vaguely felt 
at intervals like this, that her father watched for something, 
somebody who never came, looked for what he never saw, 
dreaded what never came to pass. 

She had seen Dr. Cadmus come and go, and wondered if 
in their conversation anything had occurred to turn her father's 
thoughts into the old dark channel, inward where his 
external sight was blinded, external feeling paralyzed, and 
all was turned backward, inward upon himself, his inner 

To-moiTow, yes, to-morrow he would speak. 

Ah ! could Ruby have dreamed when she kissed him good 
night that his resolution for to-morrow was to tell the story 
she had so longed to hear, to let her know what she had so 
ardently longed to know all her young life and never could 
find voice to ask about, she would not have laid her golden 
head upon her pillow and slept that sweet, soft sleep. She 
could not have stilled that anxious wish in her heart for 
the hours to fly more swiftly and bring the morrow. Ah ! 
she would have walked the floor, she and her image in the 
mirror, and dragged out a weary night indeed. God and 
the angels know what is best for us, and silence sealed the 
old man's lips with a golden seal that night, that Ruby 

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might sleep and dream and awaken with new strength for 
the morrow that was to come with a new experience for her, 
that was to examine her in all the lessons of her life and 
see how well she had learned them, how truly she could 
live by them. 


Ruby awoke from a dream. She thought her father had 
touched her and called to her that the morning was bright 
and fair. When she opened her eyes there was a conscious- 
ness of his presence, but he had disappeared. 

"Coming, father ! " she called after him, and, rising, hastily, 
dressed, expecting to find him waiting for her in the Temple. 
Not doing so, she sought him in his study. There he sat ; 
the morning paper was in his hand, the Soft light from the 
stained window was falling on his pure white face in its sil- 
ver frame. She stooped and kissed his lips. There was no 
answering kiss. 

" Father ! " She laid her hand in his.. " Father ! Father ! " 

Mrs. Goode appeared. " 

" Oh, see him, he does not answer me! " she said with wild 

Mra. Goode put down the tray on which she carried the 
morning meal, and said, " Call True." 

But all the world could not call that spirit back into that 
house of clay. 

44 Dead ! " sobbed Ruby. 

" No, child, he lives indeed at last," True answered. 

Truman's first care was to remove the newspaper from 
the dead man's hands. His keen gray eyes scanned its col- 
umns, and he pointed with silent, prophetic gesture to an arti- 
cle marked with pencil, and held it so his wife could read the 
headline, then silently, swiftly locked it in the table drawer, 
and hastened to call a physician. The body was still warm, 
and there was a faint motion of the heart. He was laid upon 
a couch, and every means to restore him resorted to, but no 
sign of resuscitation came. The eyes remained open as Ruby 
found them, fixed upon the paper in his hand, and except for 
that rigid silence there was no change in him. 

Soon after the doctor's departure the dead man's favorite 
pupils came and offered their services to Truman Goode. So 
it was the hands of love and reverence performed these last 
offices, and his body was laid out in the Temple amid the 

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flowers and palms. Truman promised to inform them when 
the interment should take place, 

"No black robes, but scarlet and gold for papa," Ruby 
said, and they had carried out her order. 

Truman Goode was aware of his late employer's wishes in 
regard to his burial place, and held a deed to a plat of ground 
in the city's most beautiful cemetery. Leaving the orphan in 
charge of his wife he sought the place and superintended every 
detail, and sent word out to Dr. Cadmus, who started with his 
wife immediately for the Temple. In the mean time Ruby sat 
alone in her father's study, or wept silently with her face buried 
in Mrs. Goode's motherly bosom; then they would, at her 
request, go into the Temple and stand beside that solemn stillness 
which seemed to stop their very breath. Ruby remembered 
how her father had tried to teach her that death was nothing, 
and now she repeated much that he had often said, to Mrs. 
Goode. His countenance as they looked upon it was like 
that of an angel ; as though the inmost came forth to ulti- 
mate and illumine it. 

The hour had come. Leaning on the arm of her faithful 
friend, Ruby came forth to view him for the last time. There 
were no mourning garments about her. She was robed in soft 
white, and in her hand she carried a bunch of freshly cut 
flowers, her last offering. A minister and several of his pupils 
who stood beside the bier made room for her. Just then 
Salome made her way into their midst and stood with awe- 
struck face beside the bier. The minister began his prayer. 
Ruby closed her eyes, and those who saw her wondered what 
caused the expression of pain and sorrow to vanish so quickly 
from her face and a smile to beam upon it. This is what she 
told True and his wife afterward: 

" When I closed my eyes, instantly there appeared just above 
the casket three forms. The central one was my father. A 
sweet odor filled the space between us, and as I looked my 
father spoke to me. I remember every word. He confirmed 
all he had ever taught me about the external existence of the 
spirit in substantial form. He assured me that the forms beside 
ham were angels in whose care he was and with whom he was 
very happy. He told me that he could and would be ever near 
me when I thought of him. He insisted that in rejecting the 
material body men do not die, but that they live there, substan- 
tial bodies, as real and more real than our natural life could be. 
Then I could dry my tears. Then I could see them put the 

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casket away, for it did not contain my real father, but only the 
semblance of him, or his material home. My real father lives 
and will never be so far away from me but tliat a thought may 
bring him back. Oh, Goodie ! it is indeed true ; there is no 
death of the spiritual man. And now, Goodie, I know he heard 
my mental vows, for my spirit made them, and he is pleased, 
and I shall keep them, and he shall be ever with us though 
perhaps we cannot always see him." 


The night before the funeral of Mr. Gladstone Salome sat 
in a gloomy room beside a dying fire, gazing into it, dream- 
ing. The public schools in which she had been teaching as 
a substitute had closed, and as usual she had saved no money, 
and three months of idleness would leave her deep in debt if 
she continued the lessons. Suddenly a faint fluttering hope 
kindled her heart, a beam of light brightened the eyes, the 
warm young blood leaped up like a flame to cheek and 

44 1 have waited long for something," she murmured, " but 
what is this ? Who tells me I must up and be at work ? Who 
shows me yonder vineyard and says the grapes are ripe? Who 
tells me the harvest is for me?" 

She has been discouraged and has given up her lessons for 
a week. Several times she resolved to go to her master and 
tell him her circumstances, for she feels sure he would con- 
tinue the lessons free; but something like a stubborn pride 
has held her back and she has not yet seen him. To-night 
she sits down to reason with herself. A strange mood comes 
over her, and we record the result. She rises and stands 
before the mirror on her dingy bureau. 

44 Why, it is I, only I, I see ! The same face, the same 
figure, and yet it is not I. Whence comes the light within 
these once dull eyes? the flame upon these once dark 
cheeks? What lurid fires flow through my veins? They 
must be fresh from heaven or from hell. And something 
whispers, Write! Shall I write, I who from my in fancy 
have longed to write, have dreamed of writing, aye, prayed 
sometimes of late that I might yet through pen or tongue do 
something great, some holy thing ? Well, I will obey. Here 
are a worn pencil and a bit of soiled paper. I sit me down 
to write without a thought, yet my fingers tremble and the 

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pencil moves. I'll read it. 4 1 died three dayb ago? Why-? 
How ? What is this ? " Again she reads : ' " * J died three 
days ago? What else is to be done ? Write again ? 4 Live 
a pure, good life. Work with a pure, good motive, and Suc- 
cess and peace and happiness shall crown you. I shall help 
you still.' 

44 Well ! No sleep for me this night ; but if this is all, my 
writing will not bring me fame ; and yet the lines contain 
instruction. I will go to-morrow and see my master and 
take this scrawl along. He looks as though he might have 
had a glimpse of the other world and could easily hold com- 
munion with disembodied spirits and tell me what it means." 

Morning came without Salome having changed her resolu- 
tion. Who shall analyze her feelings when, instead of a 
welcome smile from her master, she was led to the silent fig- 
ure around which others were already gathered to listen to 
the last solemn rite of burial? Who shall picture the awak- 
ening of that spirit in the inner temple of this poor girl as 
she realizes that her hope, her ambition, all had found life in 
the promise of those silent lips and now died with .th^m? 
But a light, faint hope sprang up as she looked at the ^kite- 
robed figure with its closed eyes holding communion; with 
unseen angels. Was it her master who had visited her in 
spirit? Was it he who had whispered hope? he who 
prompted the words she had written the night before; he who 
still promised help ? 

Like one in a trance she took in the strange service. Her 
master, arrayed like a high priest of the temple, seemed to 
have lain down to sleep befofe beginning an imposing" cere- 
mony, or perhaps this was only a part of some quaint service. 
Surely it was not death.. No black robes were seen, no tears 
fell, no moans broke the stillness. She was led to a carriage 
by a stranger, and the casket was placed in a hearse drawn 
by ten white horses. 


After a time Ruby and her friends calmly and carefully 
spoke of present and future. The will tyaS .probated, the 
insurance policies paid, and Ruby was sole heir and execu- 
trix. Of course there was to be no change in their mode of 
life. They would spend their lives in ultimating his/wishes. 
To have refused, to do this would have been to thei$ a. baser 
treacheiy than if he still were visible to them. As. they s^t 

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together a few mornings after all the necessary legal proceed- 
ings had been carried out, Ruby said : 

44 You know, Goodie, I must not mope ; book learning, 
father taught me, was well enough if the lessons were practi- 
cal. I have thought so many times of that poor girl Salome. 
I must make it my care to do something for her." And 
while they were speaking the bell rang, and Truman returned 
accompanied by Salome. 

Ruby met her with a warm, affectionate greeting, which 
brought tears to the poor girl's eyes. 

44 1 was just wondering where you lived and how I could 
find you. Come, throw aside your hat and let us sit beside 
the window." 

Mr. and Mrs. Goode shook hands with her, and Salome 
was soon quite at her ease. After a little reflection Ruby 

44 My father assured me that you had great talent and its 
necessary accompaniment to success, perseverance. You 
must have another teacher. If he cannot be procured here, 
then you must go to L ." 

44 If it only could be! But — I must be reconciled. I 
must give it up," she said, with quivering lips. Then she 
told Ruby her position. 

44 Very well," said Ruby. 44 Father never used any of the 
money you paid him." 

Going to the little safe in the comer of the room, she 
opened it and drew forth a little box marked simply 
44 Salome." 

44 You see it is all here, and it was his intention to return 
it to you. I only carry out his design in doing so. Talk 
with your parents about it, and we will ascertain who is the 
very best teacher to be had for money, and you must go to 

Tears of gratitude and joy came to Salome's eyes. She 
could not refuse the money, nor could she conceal the joy 
Ruby's words had given her. She felt that Ruby was doing 
just what she would have done under similar circumstances 
to one in her position, and she acted as she would have had 
her act. 

It was*a new feeling to Salome. She had had little cause 
in life to be grateful. Although it was a new emotion to her 
breast, she recognized it as something nobler and better than 
a desire to succeed simply to revenge herself upon somebody. 

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When Salome had taken her leave Ruby called Goodie and 
True again in counsel. 

44 Father intended to fit this young girl for the stage. Now 
I must finish his work. I cannot do what he would have 
done in the way he would have done it, but I must furnish 
the money to pay some one else for doing it. I shall be 
willing to give up my summer travels and pleasures. I am 
quite well, and if you do not care to go, we might be very 
happy here, Goodie." 

44 Why yes, I don't mind — " 

44 Of course you and True are to get your extra travelling 
expenses if you stay, just the same as if you were to go. I 
shall not share the pleasure of doing this all by myself so far 
as the money goes." 

They both smiled and allowed her to have her own way. 

44 Think of it, Goodie, I never did anything in all my life 
worth mentioning. This is only finishing a piece of my 
father's work. He spoke to me of this girl and said she was 
capable of attaining rare perfection in dramatic art. Her 
people are poor. Just think of giving her an opportunity to 
lift herself and them from poverty. Wouldn't it be lovely 
and a work worthy my father's memory ? " 

44 Yes, indeed, and worthy of your father's daughter." 

Inquiry developed th^fact that Salome must go to Lon- 
don to procure the very best training now to be had, and 
Ruby insisted it must be the very best, and preparations were 
made for her to start at once. In this arrangement Ruby 
found intelligent and valuable assistance in Dr. Cadmus, who 

wrote to Mr. , theatre manager in London, and arranged 

every detail. The day before Salome departed, when she had 
come to bid Ruby adieu, the latter said : 

44 You must take me to your home now, Salome, and introduce 
me to your parents. I must be a daughter to them in your 

Salome crimsoned with shame. 

44 Oh, I could not; indeed I would die to have you see 
them," she said. 

44 Why should you feel like that? You have told me 
your sorrow ; I know what to expect. I am prepared for it, 
and I want to help you to do what you have started-out to do 
thoroughly. I can comfort your mother, and maybe teach 
her some tilings — older people do learn from younger ones 
sometimes. I love to learn from little children. Then, too, 

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I want your father to know I feel that he is worth saving. 
Yes, Salome, I do not care where it is, I want you to take me 
to them." 

At first Salome was rebellious. She felt that she would 
rather have thrown bock Ruby's gifts, rather reject all, pres- 
ent and future, than to lead tliis beautiful, refined child of 
fortune to them and be humiliated in her eyes in that place 
which was loathsome to her and yet called home. Ruby 
seemed to understand her struggle and stood silently waiting 
till the temptation and combat had passed. 

Salome had seldom felt ill at ease in Ruby's presence 
indoors, but as they stepped out into the glare of the bright 
afternoon sun she was oppressed by the consciousness of the 
great contrast between them, and for a while a wicked feeling 
of jealous rage seized her, a feeling that Ruby was con- 
scious of and enjoyed what was so deeply humiliating to 
her. But raising her face at last — for she hung her head in 
silent anger — her eyes met the calm, soft light of those liquid 
orbs that were turned half sorrowfully, half questioningly 
upon her. 

44 Salome, I really meant it well. If You, for good reasons, 
prefer not to take me to your parents, then I will not go." 

44 You, — you might as well," gasped Salome, 44 but — you 
don't know what it is to be ashamed of — of your parents. 
I — I wish sometimes I had never been born, for however I 
may strive I can never lift myself above the memory of my 
degraded home." 

She was vehement, but all the time moved desperately 
forward until they were almost opposite a dingyJooking 
house where the lowered blinds were soiled and faded. 
Just as Salome raised her hand to the knocker with a desper- 
ate air a shuffling noise was heard and loud and angry oaths 
burst upon their ears. Salome's hand fell at her side. She 
cast one agonized look at Ruby in which were mingled 
reproach and anger, and then she turned and fled, leaving 
her alone. The noise grew louder, the oaths came fiercer, 
and then a child screamed. Ruby hesitated no longer. She 
knocked loudly and tried the door, which yielded, and she 
stepped into a wretched room. Standing opposite to a 
drunken man who wore only a dirty shirt and trousers, 
was a delicate woman with one child clinging to her 
dress skirts and another on her arm. She had evidently 
thrust the clinging child behind her out of harm's way, and 

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still had her hand clasped on its shoulders. Ruby's appear- 
ance caused such a shock that the tableau was transfixed 
before her, and she took in the full detail quietly, while the 
look of anger frozen on the face of the opponents never 
changed. They evidently thought the white-robed figure 
was some avenging angel come to deal summary justice out 
to them. She approached the woman and said : 

" I am your daughter's friend, Salome's friend ; I wanted 
to see you." 

Ruby smiled at baby, and then turning to the drunkard held 
out her hand. He looked at it as though she had been a 
leper and then drew back. It was not such a hard matter to 
coax the little one into a welcome smile, and after a while 
the mother warmed a little toward her ; but Bacchus, as his 
neighbors called him, remained silent and sullen. 

u And so you are the lady who is going to help our Salome," 
said the mother. 

44 1 certainly shall do all that I can to help her to improve her 
talents, then she can help you and her father in a very sub- 
stantial way." 

44 I'll bet my head she'll never lay eyes on one of us again, 
once she gets out from under this roof," said the man. 

" Oh yes, she will, and you will all be very happy." 

A coarse laugh was the man's only reply. After a while 
Salome entered, evidently supposing Ruby had never gone 
into the house. When slie found her sitting quietly among 
them like an angel paying a visit to hell, as she afterward 
said, she was mortified and angry ; some of the old angry, 
revengeful spirit had been with her ever since she left Ruby, 
and she thought : 

44 Yes, I'll win. I'll earn money and 111 make her smart 
for this. I'll humble her some day. I'll dash the dust from 
my chariot wheels upon her." 

Ruby was not blind to the effect of this visit upon Salome, 
and for a time doubted the prudence of her own course ; but 
she waited calmly and took an affectionate leave of Salome, 
asking her to write while she was abroad, and wishing her 
success and happiness. 

44 1 shall succeed if I have any talent," Salome answered in 
her resolute tones, u if work and such a memory as this can 
spur me on," indicating her surroundings, u and I shall repay 
you every dollar with interest that you so kindly advance me." 

Her voice was harsh, and Ruby felt a little disappointment, 

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but when she returned home she did not allude to it, but sat 
down to plan how she could save the money to give this girl 
every advantage and help her on the road to success without 
increasing her expenses, as she had promised her father not 
to do. 

(To be continued.) 

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In the mystic spell of slumber, 

Through the sea's unfuthomed gloom, 
I beheld the Lost Atlantis 

Burst the silence of her tomb; 
And the grave-clothes that confined her 

In the bonds of age-long sleep 
By her hands were rent asunder 

As she rose from out the deep, 

I could see her gleaming rivers 

Down the winding valleys run, 
Where the olive groves and vineyards 

Drank the kisses of the sun ; 
I could see vast mountain ranges 

On her skies their glories trace, — 
Winters wrapped around their shoulders, 

Summers blooming at their base. 

In the measure of a heart-beat, 

In the twinkling of an eye, 
I beheld her mighty cities 

Lift their battlements on high, 
And her strong, triumphant armies, 

Which the very gods defied, 
Marching to the field of battle 

In their arrogance and pride. 

Oh, the princes of that kingdom, — 
How they ruled on land and sea ! 

How they spurned the God of justice, 
And to Baal bent the knee ! 

And they reared a golden Image 
. In the grandest of their marts, 

And the incense that ascended 
Rose from ruined homes and hearts. 

And the one word that the Image 

Uttered day and night was u Give! " 
Till the i>eople only answered : 

44 Grant us work* that we may live." 
But the rulers babbled : 44 Business," 

As they revelled at their ease, 
And they locked up Nature's storehouse 

And to thieves consigned the keys. 

And the wolves of want went prowling 

Round the cabins of the poor, 
While the toilers starved and perished 

On the highway and the moor; 
For the few claimed all the increase 

From the ocean, soil, and air, — 
Precious stones and gems and metals, 

Flocks and grain and fruitage rare. 


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Bishops feasted at the palace, 

Christ sat hungry at the gate, 
Mammon held the sway of Haman 

In the halls of court and State ; 
Priest and scholar bowed in homage 

To the one malign control 
That in church and school demanded 

Prostitution of the soul. 

Still the multitude paid tribute 

To the miser in his den, 
Still the Shylock knife was sharpened 

For the flesh and blood of men ; 
Crafty minds, like human spiders 

Weaving traps for human flies, 
Veiled with webs of legal pretence 

Things that all men knew were lies. 

And the victims fell by millions, 

Under land and chattel bond, 
Driven from God's soil like lepers 

By the usurer's magic wand, — 
Till the army of the homeless 

Gathered like a rising flood, 
And the cry went up at midnight : * 

44 Give us bread or give us blood ! " 

And the gathering flood climbed higher 

Till it struck the palace door 
And awoke the royal sleepers 

With its wild, devouring roar. 
There are tigers in the jungle 

That delight in human prey, 
But a fiercer tiger crouches 

In a starving man at bay. 

And the rulers and the robbers, 

Though they quailed with inward dread, 
Answered back in bold derision : 

44 Give them blood instead of bread ! " 
And I saw the moon blush crimson, 

And beneath the weird eclipse 
Sat and rode the 44 Scarlet Woman," 

With a sneer upon her lips. 

There was gathering of the legions 

At the mandate of their Queen, 
And the flashing of a million 

Blades lit up the awful scene ; 
And a million starving toilers 

Fell like blighted stalks of grain 
In that horrid midnight harvest, 

By their sons and brothers slain. 

There are crimes that stir with horror 

Saints and angels round the throne, 
And whose judgments can be meted 

By the courts of God alone. 
And I saw the kingdom sinking 

At the Scarlet Woman's feet, 

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And her splendid cities plunging 
Like a tempest-foundered fleet. 

Mountain ranges met and melted, 

And above the flery tomb 
Two great oceans swung together 

Like the closing gates of doom. 
And I heard a voice proclaiming 

Down the solemn aisles of space : 
u He who slays a starving brother 

Smites his Maker in the face" 

1 *'•• * 

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Reviewed by the Editor. 
What, another revelation ? This is disquieting ! Nothing angers easy- 
going conventionalists so quickly, or so certainly arouses the sneers and 
lofty contempt of the Pharisees and Sadducees, as a high-minded message 
which comes to us out of the old stereotyped grooves ; and this is espe- 
cially true when the revelation in question calls man to a higher plane of 
life and insists on subordinating the physical desire to the mandates of 
the spiritual nature. In old times the prophets of Israel were stoned ; 
Jesus, in spite of his mighty works and noble utterances in regard to 
man's duty to man, braved conventionalism, overturned the tables of the 
money changers, and was crucified. Socrates, who was in constant com- 
munication with voices, taught truths so far ahead of his time and so 
lofty in their conception that civilization repudiated him and he was 
* forced to drink the hemlock. Joan of Arc beheld visions and heard 
voices, and, at the moment when England's supremacy over France 
seemed inevitable, under the guidance of her voices wrested victory for 
her nation, but was burned as a sorceress. So among the lofty teachers of 
the ages we find Epictetus teaching a noble philosophy, and for his 
teachings being banished by one of Rome's most cruel and immoral em- 
perors. Victor Hugo refused to surrender the cause of liberty and 
republicanism at the wily behest of a selfish and unscrupulous ruler, and 
therefore suffered exile for almost a score of years. And these are only 
a few instances which mark the pathway of the ages, illustrating that 
those who are seeking to give the world high, fine thoughts in advance 
of their time, whether they be prophets, philosophers, or revelators, must 
expect the bitter opposition of the easy-going and selfish conventionalists 
who are joined to artificial ideals permeated by gross materialism and 
not infrequently clothed in elaborate ritualistic forms. Hence I shall 
not be surprised if "True Memory" is received with much lofty con- 
tempt, which those who speak to the soul rather than those who fawn 
at the feet of conservatism must expect from the conventional press. 
Especially is this to be anticipated in regard to this work because its 
philosophy runs counter to the popular theory of physical science in 
many respects, while it pays as little heed to form, ritual, and dogma as 
did the great Galilean in His Sermon on the Mount. It is a profoundly 
spiritual work and insists that man's redemption can only be attained 
through the supremacy of the spiritual, — a fact which lofty natures of 
all shades of belief are coming more and more to see each passing year. 
The work, as I understand it, is a literal transcript of a message given 
to the author. It takes up creation, the fall of man and his redemption, 

•"True Memory; the Philosopher's Stone. Its Lobs through Adam: its Reoov- 
ery through Christ," by Mrs. Calvin Kryder Relf snider. Bound in fancy cloth, 
handsomely illustrated. Price $1.26. Arena Publishing Company, Boston, Mass. 


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as dictated to the amanuensis, who seems in many ways to be gifted with 
much the same internal illumination which marked Swedenborg as pre- 
eminently the mystic of the present age. Its style is simple and direct, 
and in many respects it resembles, without any suggestion of imitation, 
Olive Schreiner's " Dreams." It is a work that will appeal very strongly 
to the large and growing number of earnest Christians who are profoundly 
spiritual in nature. 

Reviewed by Julia Dawley. 

To any psychic, or to one who has made a careful study of the methods 
and effects of what is commonly known as mediumship, there will be 
found in " Siegfried, the Mystic," nothing very startling or mystical, 
nothing which may not be seen and heard any day in almost any town 
or city where spiritual mediums or teachers of occultism, Christian Scien- 
tists or divine healers have found their way. 

But to others who have never ventured to peep outside the fold of 
orthodoxy or explore the byways of mysticism, or who have been 
always content to chase after the unrealities which men call wealth, 
fame, learning, love, and so have never given a thought to metaphysical 
or spiritual things, the story of George Martin's first interview with the 
old seer and his charming pupil will seem somewhat puzzling, to say 
the least. The description of the first experience of Martin in what is 
erroneously called " development/' the struggle between the u I and the 
not I " for possession of a body, is a correct portrayal of a scene which is 
presented at almost any place where so-called developing circles are held, 
or experiments in mesmerism, mental suggestion, or hypnotism are 

The lesson conveyed in the scene described is, however, a good one for 
everybody to consider, and the answers of the voice to Martin's captious 
questions embody pretty much all that is best in the teachings of the 
mystics and all the rest of the occultists with which countless lecturers, 
teachers, and, finally, even novelists, make it possible to become familiar. 

The book is clean, wholesome, and pleasing in style, full of wise teach- 
ings as has been said, yet interesting merely as a simple love story. 
The characters are natural, and the old man who, as the mystic, is given 
opportunity to voice the to many people unfamiliar doctrines is never 
tiresome or prosy. 

The whole message of the book, the mission of the good seer, his 
beautiful pupil and the disembodied human souls whose medium she seems 
to have been, is the blessed assurance, " There is no death." 

There are many passages in this book which one would like to quote at 
length, so important are the lessons they teach or the warning they con- 
vey. For instance, this : 

The advice of spirits, clothed or unclothed by flesh, may be unselfish 

* " 81egfrl*d, the Mystic," by Ida Worden Wheeler. 886 pages. Price, cloth, $1.26. 
The Arena Publishing Company, Boston. 

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and well meant, but all questions must be weighed in the balance of your 
own soul before you can safely act. If you consult a psychic upon purely 
earthly affairs you will not receive a response from a very high source. 
No spirit but one whose affections art' still rooted to earth would answer 
an appeal for material aid or direction. . . . But when you aspire for a 
teacher to light your pathway to clearer truth, diviner love, be sure it will 
not be denied you. 

The mystic's view of *• the sentiment that passes current in the world 
as love n (pp. 127-130) is well worth consideration, but is too long to quote 
in this review ; the scene between him and the ik illegitimate" Josephine 
is very natural, and his expression of opinion on that question would 
startle ultra conventional people considerably. 

The u Thought Exchange; 91 the half-crazed Dunn "pursued by an 
exasperating consciousness of his own inferiority and limitations, mistak- 
ing his own shadows for enemies ; " the cure of the evangelist ; the mutual 
love of the young psychics, and the more material union of the rich young 
Martin to his chosen bride, — all are well told and serve not only to pass 
away a leisure hour or two, but cannot fail to awaken thought and a 
desire for that better time when u men will be ashamed to be too rich; 
when the Standard of society will be worth, not dollars; when where vul- 
gar display and selfishness are. there will be the social slums; when men 
and women will be free to grow, free to express and free to attain to all 
that their unfolded individualities crave.*' 

There is no deeper lesson in mysticism than this: 

"Thought is the bidden force called fortune or fate. You are not 
elected to suffer by any other will or whim than your own. You are the 
effect of your past. You will be the effect of your present.' 1 

Ami so. again, we may close this notice of Mrs. Wheeler's book with 
the chant, familiar enough to some of us: 

"The hand that smite* thee i* thine own." 

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A Startling Prophecy and its Fulfilment. Relating to the Transforma- 
tion or the Republic into a Plutocracy through the Gold Power. 

A few days since I came across some lines written by myself sometime 
since, relating to Gen. John A. I^ogan's prophecy and its fiullllment, in 
which I had occasion to observe that I had recently l-ead some striking 
predictions made by the late Senator John A. Logan when the discussion 
of the withdrawal of the treasury notes was in progress. At that time 
Gen. Logan came in for a large share of the lofty scorn, the abusive 
epithets and contemptuous sneers showered upon Senator Oliver P. 
Morton, Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, and other leading statesmen of the 
people by the modern American Tories — the usurer class and their 
sycophants — who thronged the hails of legislation and shaped public 
thought through the press of the East. 

At the moment when Gen. Logan uttered the sombre prophecy given 
below, hope sang in the hearts of America's millions ; the nation, despite 
the terrible ravages of the late war, was springing into unparalleled pros- 
perity ; the hills, valleys, and vast rich prairies of the Middle and Western 
States were blossoming with new homes ; money was plentiful ; and with 
the States engaged in an enormous business, only a small fraction of which 
was carried on with foreign nations, there were only two classes disturbed 
over the prosperity of her people. One was England's capitalists, the 
other was the usurer class of our country — the drones in the hive of 
civilization, who acquired rather than earned wealth ; the legal freebooters 
and commercial brigands, who, without toiling or spinning, in the sense 
of being engaged in producing wealth, secure millions of other men's 
money through special privileges. 

It was not strange that England wished to change our monetary policy. 
She was practically a non-producer of the earth's great staples and essen- 
tials, and, if shorn of the advantages arising from a dishonest monetary 
arrangement and the power of ruling through craft, would necessarily be 
at the feet of the great wealth-producing Republic. Her only hope lay 
in checking the prosperity following a large volume of currency, with 
the high prices which attend such a condition, by contracting currency 
within the borders of the great wealth producer of the New World. 

Nor is it strange that the usurer class, who had secured special privi- 
leges from Congress whereby they proposed to acquire millions, should 
combine with the ancient foe of American freedom in the conspiracy to 
defraud the wealth-producing millions and wreck the prosperity of the 
industrial classes. The position of Wall Street (and by Wall Street I 
mean the stock gamblers and professional usurers of America) in this 
battle for justice, human rights, and human happiness was essentia 11 y 
that of the Tories in America during the Revolution, who, in hope of 
wealth through confiscation, used every means in their power to defeat 

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the emancipation of the colonies. This usurer class joined forces with 
England. And it was at the time when these incarnations of the serpent 
and the tiger advanced upon the nation with the common object of acquir- 
ing the wealth earned by the toiling millions, that Gen. Logan said : 

I, for one, can see benefit only to the money-holder and those who 
receive interest and have fixed incomes. I can see, as a result of this 
legislation, our business operations crippled and wages for labor reduced 
to a mere pittance. I can see the beautiful prairies of my own State and 
of the great West, which are blooming as gardens, with cheerful homes 
rising like white towers along the pathway of improvement, again sink- 
ing back to idleness. I can see mortgage fiends at their hellish work. I 
can see the hopes of the industrious fanners blasted as they burn corn for 
fuel because its price will not pay the cost of transportation and divi- 
dends on millions of dollars of fictitious mil way stocks and bonds. I can 
see our people of the West groaning and burdened under taxation to pay 
debts of States, counties, and cities incurred when money was more 
abundant and bright hopes of the future were held out to lead them on. 
I can see the people of our Western States, who are producers, reduced to 
the condition of serfs to pay interest on public and private debts to the 
money sharks of Wall Street, New York, and of Threadneedle Street in 
London, England. 

Now, at this time, when the people are making a last gallant stand 
against complete serfdom to the usurers of England and America, let us 
see how this terrible prophecy of Gen. Logan, which when uttered was 
sneered at by the American Tories as a calamity wail, has been verified. 

" I can see," said the statesman from Illinois, " benefit only to the 
money-holder and those who receive interest.** On this point we need 
merely call the attention of thoughtful people to the wealth acquired and 
influence exerted by the great monetary oligarchy which has of late so 
largely shaped legislation for its profit and which now assumes to dic- 
tate the financial policy of the nation. 

For the last twenty-five years the defenders of an independent and 
sound American financial policy have been pointing out as did Gen. 
Logan the terrible results which were bound to follow the retirement of 
greenbacks and the demonetization of silver, but so subtle and powerful 
were the gold interests of England and the American Tories that thej f 
denied the existence of facts which have been time and again verified, and 
denounced all patriots who stood for the prosperity and happiness of the 
wealth creators of America as alarmists, and in various ways have sought 
to discredit those who sought to avert the peril impending, exactly as 
Wendell Phillips, John G. Whittier, Charles Sumner, and Abraham 
Lincoln were assailed by the selfish conservatism of their day before the 
cause they stood for proved triumphant. But the constant verification of 
prophecies made by such men as Oliver P. Morton, Thomas E. Hendricks, 
John A. Logan, and numbers of others has had its effect. Moreover, 
the last census report was a revelation to hundreds of thousands of 
thoughtful people, while it emphasized in a most signal manner the truth 
which the betrayers of our national prosperity had denied or sought to 
explain away for several decades. 

In the Political Science Review for December, 1893, edited by the Uni- 
versity Faculty of Political Science of Columbia College, Mr. George K. 

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Holmes, an expert in the department of statistics of wealth for our cen- 
sus bureau, contributed a most startling paper on the Concentration of 
Wealth, in the course of which he observed : 

The census ottice has published the results of its investigation of farm 
and home proprietorship in twenty-two States and territories. In the 
case of every family, the census recorded whether it owned or hired the 
farm or home that it occupied, and in case of resident owners, whether 
or not the property was encumbered. If an encumbrance existed, its 
amount and the value of the farm or home were ascertained, and the 
values and encumbrances liave been published both as averages and in a 
classification of amounts. The States and territories represented are 
Arizona, Connecticut, Georgia, Idaho, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, Min- 
nesota, Montana, Nevada, N T ew Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, 
Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Utah, Vermont, Wisconsin, and 
Wyoming, and the District of ( olumbia is added. For the present pur- 
pose, the figures for these political divisions have been consolidated and 
applied to the whole country. It is believed that the results correspond 
closely to the real conditions of the United States, since the different 
regions where like conditions prevail give returns that coiTespond well 
with one another in proportion to population. 

In these twenty-two States, thirty-two per cent of the farm families 
and sixty-two per cent of the home families are tenauts. Among the 
farm-owning families thirty per cent cany encumbrances, with an aver- 
age debt of $1,130 on farms whose average value is $3,190; among 
home-owners twenty-nine per cent carry encumbrances, with an average 
debt of $1,139 on an average value of $3,254. Until the census shall 
determine, it may be assumed that there are 4,500,000 farms in the United 
States, leaving 8,190,152 families that occupy homes that are not farms. 

Otherwise stated, ninety-one per cent of the 12,690,152 families of the 
country own no more than about twenty-nine per cent of the wealth, and 
nine per cent of the families own about seventy-nine per cent of the wea 1th. 
The chief elastic elements of the estimate are the amount of wealth that 
is credited to each family in addition to its farm or home and the amount 
of debt with which the family is charged above encumbrance. Opinions 
will vary in these matters, but the variations will need to be extreme 
before the preceding conclusion can be considerably elianged. In 
forming an opinion, it should be borne in mind that only the cheaper of 
the owned farm 8 and homes are represented — those whose value, with- 
out regard to encumbrance, is in no case as much as $5,000, and average 
about half that amount. 

Among the 1,099,265 families in which seventy-one per cent of the 
wealth of the country is concentrated, there is a still further concentra- 
tion which may be indicated by taking account of the wealth of the very 
rich. The New York Tribunes list of 4,047 millionnaires affords the 
best basis for this. Here the unknown quantities are of such magnitude 
tliat widely divergent estimates may be made. In Mr. Thomas O. Shear- 
man's estimate of the wealth of millionnaires, partly based on the assess- 
ment of Boston, and published in the Forum of November, 1889, the 
average for the class is set at $2,125,000; but it would seem as if Mr. 
Shearman had considerably overestimated the number of millionnaires 
worth less than $3,750,000 apiece, and, if so, his average is too small. 
Without going into details, the conclusion adopted in this article is that 
the 4,047 millionnaires are worth not less than $10,000,000,000 or more 
than $15,000,000,000, say $12,000,000,000, or about one fifth of the 
nation's wealth. This gives an average of about $3,000,000. 

We are now prepared to characterize the concentration of wealth in 
the United States by suiting that twenty per cent of it is owned by three 
hundredths of one per cent of the families, fifty-one per cent by nine per 
cent of the families (not including millionnaires), seventy-one percent 

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The Distribution of Wealth in the United States. 


32 Per Cent 



N«. I Showing the distribution of POPULATION Into three classes the Poor, the MiJJIe Class and the Rich. 



N». «.— Shewing the distribution of National WEALTH among the three classes of the papulation, the Poor, tlie Middle CIjss ind the Ruh. 

Ho. j.-Showine. the di»tributi»n of POPULATION into two classes, millionaires and nonmilJionures. The white space represents the former clasa 
and the small dark space represents the Utter. 


80 Per Cart 

io. e Showing the Ji>tnou'wii of Nathnwl Wl ALTM am«>ng Hi 

i ,»n4 the mHlmnafrev 

by nine per cent of the families (including the millionnaires), and 
twenty-nine per cent by ninety-one per cent of the families. 

About twenty per cent of the wealth is owned by the poorer families 
that own farms and homes without encumbrance, and these are twenty- 
eight per cent of all the families. Only nine per cent of the wealth is 
owned by tenant families and the poorer class of those that own their 

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farms or homes under encumbrance, and these together constitute 
sixty-four per cent of all the families. As little as five per cent of the 
nation's wealth is owned by fifty-two per cent of the families, that is, by 
the tenants alone. Finally, 4,047 families possess about seven tenths as 
much as do 11,593,887 families. 

So exceedingly suggestive is Mr. Holmes's paper that I reproduce the 
diagrams which appeared in Vox Populi and were carefully made with 
explanatory notes. They are drawn in correct mathematical proportions, 
and they will serve to instantly fix upon the minds of the readers the tre- 
mendous facts brought out in Mr. Holmes's exhaustive article. In writing 
of these diagrams the editor of Vox Populi observed : 

In diagram No. 1 the distribution of population into three classes is 
shown. The poor comprise fifty-two per cent of our families and are 
represented by the area in which the word u Poor " is written in the dia- 
gram. The middle class comprise thirty-nine per cent of our families 
and are represented by the area within which the words u Middle Class " 
are written. The rich comprise but nine per cent of our families. 

The poor have property amounting on an average to #205 per familv, 
exclusive of encumbrances. The middle class have an average of $3,201 
per family exclusive of encumbrances, and the rich have $38,762, on an 
average, exclusive of encumbrances. 

It would be easy to give the calling and condition of mind of each 
class, but we deem it best to show the distribution of wealth which is illus- 
trated by diagram No. 2. The poor own that part of the entire wealth 
of the country that is shown in the space marked with a star. The middle 
class own the wealth indicated by the space within which are written the 
words u Middle Class Wealth," while the rich own the wealth indicated 
by the space within which appear the words " Wealth of the Rich." It 
will be seen that the poor, constituting fifty-two per cent of our families, 
own but three per cent of the wealth of the nation, while the middle 
class, constituting thirty-nine per cent of our families, own twenty-six 
per cent of the wealth of the nation, and the rich, who constitute but 
nine per cent of our families, own seventy-one per cent of all our wealth. 

If we now pass to diagram No. 3 we will find still another distribution 
of population. This distribution is into only two classes, those who are 
millionnaires and those who are not. The first class are represented by the 
large white space, while the millionnaires are represented by the small 
dark square in the lower right-hand corner of diagram No. 3. In diagram 
No. 4 we show the way the wealth of the nation is divided between the 
millionnaires and the non-millionnaires. It will be seen that the million- 
naires own twenty per cent, that is, one fifth of all the wealth of the 
nation, while the balance is distributed among their less prosperous but 
more productive brethren. 

With a full adequate knowledge of the conditions set forth with at 
least approximate accuracy in our diagrams, in the possession of the 
American people, we believe a general movement would be at once 
inaugurated toward the discovery of causes that have brought about these 
conditions. Upon the matter of securing these facts and discovering 
the causes of the same, in our humble judgment depend the prosperity 
and happiness of our people and the prosperity of our free institutions. 

To thoughtful Americans as well as Europeans watching events as 
they have transpired during the past twenty-five years, the tremendous 
discontent evinced in our elections must necessarily have proved very 
significant. Never in the history of a republic, probably, has the pendu- 
lum swung with such irresistible force from one party to another as dur- 
ing recent years, and during all this time there has been steadily, rapidly, 

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constantly growing up ji spirit of discontent, not the outgrowth of the 
professional agitators, but being a discontent born of a consciousness on 
the part of the wealth creators among the more thoughtful of our manu- 
facturers, merchants, fanners, and artisans who appreciated the fact that 
the steady decrease in prices, the frequent occurrence of panics, and the 
creeping palsy of business stagnation were in fact a mere fulfilment of 
the prophecy of Gen. John A. Logan and his compatriots who foresaw 
the terrible effects bound to follow when the great Republic adopted 
England's financial policy. Our nation ought to-day to be the leader of the 
world in prosperity, In wealth, and in independence : a Republic which 
ought to be growing more and more independent as the years pass by; a 
Republic which ought to be becoming more and more a creditor nation 
instead of more and more a debtor nation. Hence, all the gold expended 
in corrupting legislation, in silencing a supposed free press, and in devious 
other way-, has proven in a large measure fruitless. The people have 
become more aud more discontented with each successive year. The 
fact was pointed out that when Mr. Harrison went out of office the 
treasury was found empty; but the election of Cleveland was due to the 
tremendous discontent of the people, a discontent which expressed it sell 
shortly after they had given the Democrats the chance for which they 
had clamored for years, tb;it of controlling all branches of government, 
an opportunity of giving relief to the nation and adopting a general 
American policy. Hence, following elections swept the Republicans into 
power in the House of Representatives by a tremendous majority, almost 
as great as that which overwhelmed the Republican party after the 
passage and enactment of the "war tariff"" measure known as the Mc- 
Kinley Bill. 

It is very evident from all sections, notably from the South and West, 
that the voters have firmly determined to be deceived no longer. Twenty- 
five years of bitter experience has at last aroused them as our patriot 
fathers were aroused when the great Republic was born. They will 
accept no equivocation in platform or candidate. They will vote for 
prosperity, happiness, and the true grandeur of the Republic, which can 
come only by a sound, independent financial American policy. 

The Unconditional Battle of the Wealth Creators of the Republic 
igalnst the Bank of England's Financial Policy. 
It has been the settled policy of the gold monometallism, under the 
shrewd directions of the usurer class of Britain and the gamblers of Wall 
Street, to overawe the Eastern press. To compass this policy so ruinous 
to American prosperity, they have resorted to the continued threat of a 
panic as well as resorting to devious " by-ways and crooked ways " in 
order to accomplish the domination of British supremacy, or rather to 
accomplish supremacy of the Bank of England policy over the pros- 
perity and happiness of American millions, from the manufacturer and 
merchant to the fanner and artisan. 

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One of the popular cries made by the special pleaders for the Bank of 
England, the gold barons, and the gamblers of Wall Street, has been that 
the silver advocates were merely the silver barons of the mining States ; 
while if any one stops to consider the matter he will readily see that the 
mining commonwealths as well as the rocky boroughs of Vermont and 
New Hampshire or any other States in the Republic for that matter are 
justly entitled to consideration. But I imagine that those men who are 
hired to sway public opinion are altogether too well acquainted with 
the facts to suppose for a moment that the silver-producing States 
are anything more than secondary in their influence, directly or in- 
directly, on the great mass of America's millions and wealth creators 
who are to-day resolutely demanding the free coinage of silver. I 
am fully aware of the persistent endeavor of the gold press and also 
of the influence exerted by the British and American Tories to mislead 
the public in regard to this fact ; yet I do not believe that any thought- 
ful and disinterested man who has investigated the facts involved will 
for a moment imagine that more than one in a hundred of the voters 
who are to-day resolutely demanding that the next President shall be 
an out-and-out free-silver champion elected on a platform of sixteen to 
to one, have any interest directly or indirectly in silver mines, but they 
know that gold monometallism is wrecking and ruining the homes of 
the wealth creators no less than national prosperity. They recognize 
the fact that they have been systematically betrayed by parties and 
men, and they know that from the day our nation bowed her neck to 
England's yoke and demonetized silver, the real wealth of our Republic 
has declined in price, and to-day our nation, which but for this iniquitous 
course would have been the most opulent country on the globe, is grow- 
ing more and more a debtor nation; they know that prosperity has not 
only fled from the wealth creators during successive administrations of 
the two great parties for the last score of years and that times have !>een 
growing harder for a quarter of a century, but they further know that 
the nation's treasury, which was full to overflowing when Cleveland 
went out of office the flrst time, was practically emptied in the four years 
the Republicans ruled, and instead of bettering matters the present 
administration has followed the Republican policy on the vital issue of 
finance, even resorting to an extreme war measure and issuing bonds in a 
time of profound peace at the demand of the wreckers of the wealth 
creators of America. 

It is idle to accuse men like Senators Morgan and Pugh of Alabama, 
Butler of North Carolina, Vest of Missouri, Jones of Arkansas, Allen of 
Nebraska, Harris of Tennessee, and a number of other thoughtful and 
truly representative members of the Senate of the United States as being 
silver barons ; and what is true of the Upper House is equally true of 
Congress. All the power of the administration and Wall Street has 
failed to induce the true representatives of a large portion of our nation 
to l>etray the sacred trust imposed upon them by their electors. But this 
is not all. Among far-sighted financiers in the East, such men as Jay 
Cooke, for example, the ruinous policy of gold monometallism is not 

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only perfectly apparent, hut they are shaking out in order to cheek the 
ruin of the nation which a few multi-inilliounaires are rapidly bringing 
about by endeavoring to establish a plutocracy on the ashes of the Repub- 
lic. The agrarian population of the South and West, a vast majority of 
the artisans outside of the Eastern centres, and a large proportion of the 
manufacturers and merchants are determined that the next President 
shall not be a gold man nor a man who would deceive by evading the 
open issue, nor yet that the platform upon which the candidate is elected 
shall be equivocal or susceptible of any misinterpretation. They at last 
realize the tremendous duty devolving upon them. They feel and know 
that the present battle is between JirUish </old and American ballot*, and 
as in seventy-six so in ninety-six, they have determined that this land shall 
be free. The next President must be an American in fact as well as in 
word, and no coward or trimmer will be accepted in the coming contest. 

Some Much-Talked-of Americans who are Fighting the Gold Ring. 

In the following pages we give the portraits of United States Senator 
II, M. Teller of Colorado, Senator Benjamin F. Tillman of South Carolina, 
George Wilson, Esq., of Lexington, Missouri, presideut of the oldest 
bank in that State, and Mr. George P. Keener. 

Mr. Teller has recently created a great sensation in the United States 
Senate by his bold and brave stand in behalf of the people and his merci- 
less exposure of the shams of the party to which he had been allied for 
over forty years. In the course of this memorable address Senator 
Teller observed : 

In all these discussions the senator has sought to make the public be- 
lieve that the most objectionable feature of this administration, the issue 
of bonds in time of peace, has grown out of the necessity for more reve- 
nue. I find in the public press of the country a very general disposition 
to attribute the issue of these bonds, amounting to #262,000,000, to a lack 
of revenue. Particularly is this true of the party to which I am attached. 
All their public statements, and as a rule the statements of the Eastern 
press, liave approved of the issue of bonds, and have excused it on the 
ground that it was necessary because there was not sufficient revenue; 
and of course they come back to the charge against the Democratic patty, 
that it is responsible because the revenue is deficient. 

Mr. President, before I go into the question whether these bonds have 
been issued because of a lack of revenue, I want to go back to 1890, when 
the Democratic party was not responsible for legislation and the Repub- 
lican party was. We passed then what has been known as the McKinley 
law, a law which seems just now to be in great favor and very popular, 
although I believe it cost us the following election. 

The McKinlev law did not provide a sufficiency of revenue; everybody 
knows that it did not, and I think it but fair and honest to say that if 
there had been no change of administration there would still have been a 
deficiency of revenue under that law. I am of opinion myself, and I be- 
lieve it can be thoroughly demonstrated, that the present* tariff law will 
produce as much revenue as will be needed chiiovcr prosperity nones to 
this country. 

No revenue law, no collection of imports, which is fairly levied, 

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fairly laid, ami fairly collected, will bring to this country a sufficient 
income until conditions change and the people arc ready to buy and 
consume. This is the first subject to which the statesmen of this country 
should direct their attention; that is the tirst thins which is absolutely 
necessary and essential. We must bring back to this country the pros- 
perity which formerly existed and ought still to exist in this country. 

1 know, Mr. President, that as a Republican it may be considered tube 
my duty from a partisan standpoint to insist that the lack of prosperity Is 
the result of a Democratic administration. I do not so believe. 

How does the senator from Ohio expect, by increasing the duties upon 
imports and thus keeping them out of the country, to increase the 
revenues of the country? The trouble is that not enough imports 
are coming in to keep up the revenues. The senator from Ohio says the 
way to get more revenue is to put on additional taxes and have less 
imports come in. I agree with him as to the wisdom of fewer Imports* 
I do not wish to see this country Hooded with foreign imports. I should 

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be glad myself to see some other method of raising revenue adopted. 
There are many ways in which we could get the revenue. We could get 
it by a tax upon beer. We could get it by a number of methods that 
would not have brought into this chamber a conflict between the two 
parties, which are divided upon the question of protection and non-pro- 

There is nobody in this chamber, there is nobody in this country 
who knows better than the senator from Ohio that the sale of not 
a dollar of bonds was necessitated by lack of revenue. We have 
not sold bonds when anybody could pretend that we were in danger 
of not being able to meet our obligations. We have sold bonds with 
a full treasury. We have sold bonds with more than any other nation 
in the world can show to its credit. There has been no time, so says 
the President, that it was necessary to sell bonds. I will read what 
the President of the United States has said upon this subject. In the 
President's annual message he said: 

In the present stage of our difficulty, it is not easy to understand how the amount 
of our revenue receipts directly affects it. 

Speaking of the financial condition : 

The important question is not the quantity of money received in revenue payments, 
but the kind of money we maintain, and our ability to continue in sound financial 
condition. We are considering the government's holdings of gold as related to the 
soundness of our money and as affecting our national credit and monetary strength. 

I need not read it all. He says further on : 

It cannot, therefore, be safe to rely upon increased revenues as a cure for our 
present troubles. 

It Is possible that the suggestion of increased revenue as a remedv for the difficul- 
ties we are considering may have originated In an intimation or distinct allegation 
that the bonds which have been used ostensibly to replenish our gold reserve were 
really issued to supply Insufficient revenue. Nothing can be further from the truth. 

Bonds were Issued to obtain gold for the maintenance of our national credit. As 
has been shown, the gold thus obtained has been drawn again from the treasury upon 
United States notes and treasury notes. 

Skipping — I need not read it all — 

At no time when bonds have been issued has there been any consideration of pay. 
ing the expenses of the government with their proceeds. 

Here is the declaration of the President of the United States that at 
no time when bonds have been issued have they been necessitated by 
the lack of money. 

The Secretary of the Treasury comes with his report and makes the 
same statement. In February, the Government of the United States 
issued $100,000,000 of bonds. 

The cash balance in the treasury on the first day of December, 1896, was $177,406,- 
886.62, being $98,07*2. 420.30 in excess of actual gold reserve on that day. 

While the situation does not require any legislation for raising additional revenue 
for taxation at this time, it is such as to require the strictest economy in appropriations 
and public expenditures. 

Mr. President, that is a condition that must always exist in this coun- 
try, f think that is a condition that always has existed. 'That is an obli- 
gation that has always rested upon every man connected with this body and 
the other — " strict economy in appropriations and public expenditures." 

And so on. 

I do not know what the deficiency is going to be this year, but I do 
know that the deficiencies on the twentv-eighth dav of April for the vear 
were $24,247,517.83. On that day we had $273,522,338 in the treasury. 
I repeat, there is not a nation on the face of the earth that holds $273,000,- 
000 in its treasury for ordinary purposes. If there is such a nation at all 
it is Russia, that is stated to have accumulated a large amount, nobody 
knows how much, for war purposes — not to be used except in case of an 
emergency for war. There is more money in the treasury than the peo- 
ple of the United States are willing should be put there and there tied up. 
Every dollar of money that is put into the treasury comes out of the 

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circulation thai Is necessary in this countrv to maintain even the present 
had conditions of commerce and trade, fnside of twenty-seven months 
you have put Into the treasury $200,000,000 that hail I teen in circulation. 
Von drew out of the circulation of this country $200,000,000 and put it 
where it is of no more value to commerce and trade than it would be if it 
were in the depths of the sea. 

And yet, Mr. President, senators rtee here and wonder why it is that 
business does not revive, why it is that prosperity dors not come to us. 
We have had contraction at the rate <d (100,000,000 a year, contraction 
since the 1st of February this year of $100,000,000, apparently in Igno- 
rance of a well-known and well-settled principle of political economy, that 
when you decrease the circulation of the money you destroy prices and 
you discourage enterprise and retard all movements toward production. 

Mr. President, if there ever was a nation in the world thai seems to 
be governed bj Imbeciles and men without thought or men without rat- 

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sou, it Kfl fair to say we arc now In the hands of thai class of people. The 
history of the world does not show such contraction as we hart mhtuturily 
and (huh' rat' i 'j and willingly taken it upon ourselves to create for the simple 
purpose of maintaining the gold standard, and nothing else. 

The senator from Ohio (Mr. Sherman) knows, and every man in 
this chamber knows, that the $262,000,000 is a debt put upon this 
country to maintain the gold standard. And he knows, as I know, 

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that the #2(>2,000,000 is but the beginning of a debt that is to be put upon 
us if the gold standard is to be maintained. It will not do for the 
senator to tell me or any one else in this ehainber that revenue is 
what you want. What you want, Mr. President, is some system of 
finance that shall bring confidence to the ]>eople who create and produce, 
that shall encourage them in the belief that when they manufacture an 
article they want to sell they can sell it for as much at least as it 
cost. The absolute certainty exists to-day in every productive circle 
in the United States, and pretty nearly in the world, that he who 
produces to-day must sell to-morrow at a loss. 

Mr. President, the financial question is at the bottom of this trouble, 
not a lack of revenues. I do uot intend myself to allow either the sen- 
ator from Ohio or anybody else to fool the people of this country with 
the idea that all you* need is to pass the MeKinley Hill again and that 
then prosperity will come. Von will never see the MeKinley Bill 
re-enacted, and if you did, you would not see prosperity come from it. 
We have been promised all these years that if we would do this and if 
we would do the other thing, prosperity would be at our door. Every 
promise made lias failed. 

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I know that there is traversing the country and shouting a band of men 
who hare labelled their candidate u the advance agent of prosperity," Mr, 
President, the people who look to him as the sariour will Jind that they have 
been deluded and deceived. The agent of prosperity will not eoine into 
sight until this system of finance of ours is changed. 

These extracts, coining from one of the ablest senators of the Repub- 
lican party, are no less memorable than the position taken by United 
States Senator Benjamin F. Tillman in his address iu the Senate some 
time since, which so alarmed the gold ring of America that he instantly 
came iuto a greater share of calumny, slander, misrepresentation, and 
abuse tlian has been meted out to any man since the days of Andrew 
Jackson. 1 have quoted extensively from Senator Teller's speech from 
the fact that the abridged and garbled reports which appeared, where 
notice of this memorable speech was permitted to appear at all, so 
thoroughly inadequately described the masterly statements and the 
position taken by the senator from Colorado, that 1 felt our readers 
would be interested in noting the facts with which he confronted Senator 
Sherman and the present discredited administration. 

Of Senator Tillman 1 would merely say that many people have 
judged him and his alleged utterances from the scurrilous editorials of 
the gold press, but the great, and 1 might say almost unprecedented, 
ovations tendered him in his recent tours through the West and South 
by the masses have shown how thoroughly the people are aroused and 
how futile liave been the calumnies and abuses of the gold press of the 
United States in its studied effort to discredit him, — an effort which 
strikingly reminds one of the attack of the defenders of the national 
bank on Andrew Jackson. 

Mr. George Wilson, president of the oldest bank in the State of 
Missouri, is another much-talked-of patriot at the present time. He has 
for years been a close student of finance, was a life-long Democrat until 
a few years since, when, after becoming thoroughly satisfied tliat his 
party had gone over to the principles of Hamilton and were vying with 
the Republican party in subserviency to the gold power iu its attempt to 
enslave the wealth creators of the United States, he became convinced, 
as are the majority of disinterested statesmen, economists, and students 
who have carefully investigated our monetary system, that our yielding 
to England's financial domination has resulted in not only hard times, but 
a continuous lowering of prices of our wealth products and a succession 
of panics ; hence he left the party of his lifetime because he could not 
conscientiously longer be a party to an organization which was fostering 
trusts, monopolies, and industrial serfdom. 

On May 19 J. Edward Simmons, Esq., president of the Fourth Na- 
tional Bank of New York, said in discussing the political situation, 
44 Panic ! We have been so deep in a hole for three years that things 
cannot get any lower. M * This fact was realized by Mr. Wilson, although 
he was a banker, some time ago. None knew better than he that any- 
thing that brought about the stagnation in business which has been coin- 

* Boston Daily Herald, May 20, 1896. 

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ing upon us like creeping paralysis ever since the retirement of the green- 
backs and demonetization of silver, would ultimately affect the bankers, 
merchants, and manufacturers, as well as the farmers and artisans. 
Hence he had the patriotism and manhood and the spirit of true democ- 
racy to refuse to further worship the shell from which the soul had fled. 
Mr. Wilson is a ripe scholar and profound student, even outside of 
finance, — something rather rare at the present time among men who are 
engaged in special pursuits. 

Another man of exceptional ability as an organizer, who has made him- 
self greatly feared by the plutocracy of the East and has accomplished 
very marked results in unifying the patriotic forces of the North Atlan- 
tic region, is Mr. George P. Keeney, national organizer of the American 
silver forces. As I have before observed, he is one of those rare men 
who know how to organize and carry victory with them. His work has 
been marked by rare sagacity, a broad, comprehensive grasp of complex 
situations, and that peculiar power of a general who quickly sees the 
strong and weak points of the opposing forces, and also understands how 
to meet obstacles, and when to speak and when to be quiet. The com- 
plete overthrow of the Southern Pacific's choice of mayor for San 
Francisco was very largely due to the splendid generalship, excellent 
tact, and indefatigable efforts of this natural born organizer. He im- 
presses me as a man raised up for an important work in this important 
crisis in our history. 

But Senator Teller, the Western Kepubliean, Senator Tillman, the 
Southern Democrat, and Mr. Wilson, the Missouri banker, who belongs 
to the People's party, and Mr. Keeney, the national organizer of the 
silver forces, are only types of millions of thoughtful men and deter- 
mined patriots throughout the South and West who are firm in their 
convictions that the people at last shall he free ; that the domination of the 
gold power and the servitude of America to England shall cease. These are 
representative men among millions of voters who propose to place coun- 
try above party in the great struggle of the present, which may be aptly 
termed the second Valley Forge of the American struggle for indepen- 
dence ; realizing as they do that we are in the midst of a conflict involving 
the very life of republican institutions ; and what has been accomplished 
in the past in the way of betrayals and equivocations will prove absolutely 
futile in the great contest which is now pending. These men are the 
representatives of the democracy of Jeft'erson, the republicanism of 
Lincoln, or, in other words, the best element of three great parties who 
are thoroughly determined that the next President of the United States 
shall be an American in fact as well as in wonl. 

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AUGUST, 1896. 



Evils op the Present System (continued). 

Our present telegraph system is a menace to the national 
strength in time of war. The telegraph is one of the most 
important instruments of war, and the nation ought to own 
the system on military grounds even if there were no other 
reason. This argument was presented by the Committee on 
Ways and Means in 1845 (House Rep. 187, 28-2), was urged 
upon Congress by Postmaster-Generals Cave Johnson and 
Creswell (whose views were approved by John Wanamaker 
in 1890), 1 and doubtless had something to do with Gen. 
Grant's advocacy of national ownership of the telegraph. 
The telegraph is the nervous system of the nation. What 
sort of a nation is it that does not own its own nervous sys- 
tem ? Imagine A in a fight with B having to ask a tliird 
man C to send a message to his (A's) foot to kick B. C 
might not be much interested in A*s success, or he might 
even be friendly with B, and the message would be apt to be 
delayed and the kick come off too late to do A any good. C 
might even give B a hint of the message l>efore it was sent 
to A's foot, or he might send a message that would make the 
foot kick some other part of A's anatomy. We have seen as 
an actual fact that during the Rebellion the Government's 
messages to the troops were not safe in the hands of the private 
telegraph. To a large extent during the war and since, the 
Government has found it necessary to build ita own military 
lines, thus establishing two systems where one federal plant 

l Wanamaker's Arg. pp. 150, 154. 

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would be amply sufficient to do the whole business military and 
civil. It is true that in time of war the Government has the 
right to impress the telegraph into its service, but this is a very 
expensive and inefficient plan. The servant of C is not as good 
a medium for A's business as A's own servant. Men selected 
and paid by Jay Gould cannot be relied on to serve the 
Government as well as men selected and paid by the Govern- 
ment. If so, why not let the king of the Western Union 
choose the soldiers and pay and discharge them as well as the 
operators ? No general would care to fight the nation's battles 
with regiments selected and paid by Gould and subject to 
his discharge. And a private telegraph impressed by the 
Government would be as inferior to a consolidated system 
owned by the Government and manned by its servants, as 
armies hired, paid, disciplined, and discharged by Gould, 
Vanderbilt and company would be inferior to the Grand 
Army of the Republic. 

A private telegraph system is not merely a weakness in war 
time, it constitutes even in time of peace a very serious breach of 
the law of coherence, which is a most important element in 
social strength and evolution. What cohesion is to a bar of 
iron, social coherence is to a nation, — wherever antagonisms 
or repellent forces are at work among the riiolecules there is 
a weakness that may in case of strain produce a break. 
Unity of interest is the cement, the cohesive force that binds 
the molecules of society together and makes the whole com- 
pact and strong. If there's a place in the iron where cohe- 
sion is weak, we call it a flaw. The antagonism of interest 
between the public and a giant corporation constitutes a 
similar weakness, — a dangerous flaw in the structure of society. 
The antagonism between the corporation and its employees is 
another flaw. Every great combination of capital or labor 
that exists for a selfish purpose is like a big knot in a board, — 
it may be very solid and strong in itself, but it weakens the 
board, — the lines between itself and the rest of the structure 
are lines of cleavage. 

The case is even worse than these analogies would indi- 
cate. The areas of antagonism above referred to are not 
merely flaws, they are areas of corrosion as well — they con- 
not only a weakness, but a scene of destructive 
^molecules and groups of molecules, 
between the Western Union and 

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the public has been a line of battle. Investigation after 
investigation has been made, clouds of witnesses have been 
called, enormous expense has been entailed. In Congress 
after Congress the war has been waged. Miles of petitions 
have been circulated, tons of matter printed, years of speeches 
delivered, hundreds of thousands of dollars and incalcu- 
lable energies wasted. 2 Capital, too, has fought the great 
monopoly to conquer the right to share its enormous gains. 
Millions of dollars have been spent to build entirely useless 
competing lines for the sole purpose of worrying the monopo- 
lists into buying up the said lines and admitting their projec- 
tors to membership in the Western Union. Labor also has 
added the wastes of its own rebellions to all the rest. Twice 
the joint between the company and its employees has 
broken open clear across the continent, and it has cost a deal 
of money to pay the damages and get the breaks patched 
up. All the physical wastes and the spiritual neglects, 
retardations, and debasements that have resulted from these 
various antagonisms would have been avoided had the Fed- 
eral Government followed Henry Clay's advice and estab- 
lished a national telegraph in 1844. Weakness, waste, and 
demoralization result from antagonism of interest Strength, 

2 The very separation of the work of transmitting intelligence into two distinct 
branches necessitates waste and conflict. The post office and the telegraph belong 
together as being parts of the same business. To sever the carrying of intelligence 
by wire from the carrying of intelligence by mail, and establish a separate plant for 
each part of the work, is about as sensible as it would be to sever the carrying of 
passengers and the carrying of freight, and establish a separate plant for each part 
of the railroad business, — no, it Is not quite so sensible, for the post office and the 
telegraph subtract from each other, and so add direct aggression to the indirect 
aggression of economic waste — In the hands of a progressive management the 
already great subtraction might easily go so far that the telegraph would rob the post 
office of the larger part of its most profitable business, the letter mall between large 
cities, and leave it only the inferior letter mall and the book and paper carriage on 
which it makes a heavy loss. Postmaster-General Cave Johnson clearly understood 
the aggression which the telegraph in private hands has made upon the postal busi- 
ness, and the further aggression which it has power to make by lowering rates and 
adopting more rapid methods between the centres of population. He said in 1845-6: 
" The department created under the Constitution and designed to exercise exclusive 
power for the transmission of Intelligence, must necessarily be superseded in 
much of its most Important business If the telegraph be permitted to remain under 
the control of individuals. ... It becomes, then, a question of great importance how 
far the Government will allow Individuals to divide with It the business of trans- 
mitting intelligence — an important duty confided to it by the Constitution necessarily 
and properly exclusive. Experience teaches that if individual enterprise is allowed 
to perform such portions of the business of the Government as it may fljff fo^ite 
advantage, the Government will soon be left to perform unprpfitable^M^nis op It 
only, and must be driven to abandon it entirely, c^cany Jf^^^gf ^yg£*on 
the treasury." 



economy, and development come from unity of interest, 
partnership, co-operation, public ownership. 1 

The root of nearly all our difficulties with the telegraph is 
the simple fact that the business is owned by a great selfish 
monopoly in private control} No one of these elements alone 
would cause the mischiefs we have complained of, but all 
combined are capable of any conceivable demonism. In the 
open field of competition, the battle between a given individ- 
ual or corporation, C, and others in the same business pro- 
duces in some degree a unity of interest between C and the 
public he serves, — the public interest requires good service 
at low cost, and C's interest requires that he shall give good 
service at low cost, because, under real competition, that is 
the only way he can outstrip his rivals — it is a unity dearly 
bought, being purchased by endless wastes and demoraliza- 
tions incident to the struggles between employer and em- 
ployer and employee and employer, and it is not a complete, 
hearty, spontaneous, reliable unity, but a partial, reluctant, 
compulsory, rebellious unity — yet it is a unity of real 
advantage to the public and vastly preferable to the antago- 

8 Unify the Interests of men in such a way that they can know and feel the unity, 
and they will work together in the common interest. Through unity of interest a 
lasting coherence and harmonious co-operation is gained. Society is built on such 
unities and co-operations, and civilisation Is measured by the proportion they bear to 
the total of human Interests and activities. Unity of interest In respect to a property 
or business requires common ownership; for if one owns and another does not, the 
Interests of the two will be diverse, — the former desiring Income from the property, 
the latter desiring good service at as low a cost as possible. In the case of a property 
or business affecting a city, State, or nation, the common ownership requisite to 
unity of Interest is ownership by the city, State, or nation affected, i. c, public 

4 It would probably be enough to say " a great monopoly in private control." In 
the present state of civilization, the chance that a private monopoly of the tele- 
graph would be managed in an unselfish and philanthropic spirit Is hardly one in a 
billion. Men who think first of the service they can render their fellow-men and 
second of personal profit do not accumulate sufficient wealth to buy the control of the 
telegraph. Men who do acquire vast property do not regard it as aVpubllc trust, — 
we have not got that far yet— our youth are not trained that way, — »y are taught 
that It is right to get all they can out of private property —they would not take a man 
by the throat and compel him to hand over his earnings, they would call that highway 
robbery, but they will use the mighty power of accumulated wealth in the presence 
of needy labor to compel multitudes of men to hand over their earnings' and do it 
with a clear conscience— and therein appears one great advantage of public prop- 
erty—the code of morals we teach those same young men Impresses upon them the 
truth that public property is to be administered for the public good and that It is a 
fraud to use public property and position for Individual aggrandizement,— the very 
same man that will administer private wealth with sole regard to private profit will 
conscientiously administer public wealth with sole regard to service,— with him the 
rule is private wealth for private profit and public wealth for public profit, profit in 
the latter case being identical with service, — the true rule Is, both private wealth and 
public for the service x>f humanity. 

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nism that results when C and his rivals combine into a great 
monopoly and turn all their guns on the public and the em- 
ployees, who have no longer any competing concern to resort 
to in case of high rates or bad service on the part of C. The 
antagonism between C and his rivals affords a certain pro- 
tection to the public. Unifying the interests of C and his 
rivals in a private monopoly opens the gap between them and 
the public, — transfers the scene of hostilities. Instead of 
C v$. C n in a race to please the public, and trip each other 
up, the case becomes C -f- 1 vs. the public. The public says, 
" That won't do, you rascals ; stop that union business and go 
to racing and fighting again ; I've got no chance if you join 
against me." Anti-trust laws are passed and ringing decisions 
are rendered against monopoly, but every day new combina- 
tions are formed, in obedience to the great law of industrial 
gravitation — a higher law than any that Congress can make 
— a law which expresses the irresistible attraction between 
rival concerns arising from a clear understanding of the 
enormous saving of industrial force and the vast increase of 
profits to be derived from union and co-operation. When 
men became intelligent enough to understand the advantages 
of working together in groups of tens, hundreds, or thou- 
sands, great factories were built and large corporations were 
organized. Now that men are becoming intelligent enough 
to understand the advantages of more extensive combinations, 
colossal trusts and monopolies are being constructed. A little 
further along the road mankind will know enough to make 
the union all inclusive and thus secure to the fullest extent 
the benefits of combination and co-operation without the dis- 
advantage of any outstanding antagonism or residual conflict 
to be intensified by the growth of union on either side of the 

The public is pinched by private monopoly ; it got along 
better with free competition ; but the remedy is not to go 
backward to competition, but forward to fuller co-operation, — 
keep the monopoly, for it means internal economy, but make 
it a public monopoly instead of a private one, so that it 
may mean, justice as well as economy. Stopping the war be- 
tween C and his rivals with all its wastes and debasements is 
an admirable thing — but the advantages of the union ought 
not to be monopolized by a few individuals, nor its strength 
become a means of extortion in their hands, — the benefits of 
these unions should be justly distributed over the whole corn- 

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munity, which can only be done satisfactorily and certainly 
by putting the ownership of the union in the community. 

It may be thought that justice and the public good could 
be attained by careful legislation controlling the telegraph, 8 
but that is a mistake — it is easier for the telegraph to con- 
trol the law than for the law to control the telegraph in the 
hands of private monopolists. Usually their influence with 
our legislatures is sufficient to enable them to have the law 
made as they wish. If not, they can almost always defy it 
with impunity, — refuse compliance entirely, ignore the statute, 
or render half-hearted, inefficient, worthless obedience, worse 
than open defiance, — and if suit is brought to enforce the law 
they resort to all possible delays, technicalities, and annoy- 
ances, escape through the disagreement of a jury or a quibble 
in the judge's charge, or if at last the case is decided against 
them, they pay the fine or damages, and keep right on break- 
ing the law, quite ready to have the litigation all over again 
as many times as may be necessary to tire out their ene- 
mies. Two laws only are strong enough to grapple with 
corporate monopoly — the law that forfeits the franchise for 
unlawful conduct, and the law that takes the franchise for 
public use, — those are the laws we must get enforced, for 
they alone can do the work with certainty and completeness. 
Regulation is a clumsy, costly failure. You pay one man to 
do the work and another man to watch him. You hire a 
horse to draw your load and then engage another horse to 
run alongside and kick the first one if he balks or bites his 
mate or throws mud over the dasher. You don't get rid of 
the antagonism of interest between the monopoly and the 

« National legislation forbidding the consolidation of telegraph lines and the 
watering of stock is suggested by some who recognize a portion of the evils of 
the present rfgime, but do not wish to change the system entirely. In regard to 
this suggestion the New Haven Palladium says: " The Ineffectiveness of legislation 
to prevent the consolidation of competing railways has too often been Illustrated to 
leave any ground for expecting lasting relief from that source. As In the past so 
In the future will corporations find a way to circumvent the law. The only hope is 
In a competition that can neither be bought off nor consolidated out of existence. The 
Government alone can secure such competition by constructing a postal telegraph." 
We may add that the law of 1866 expressly forbade consolidation of telegraph com- 
panted, but It has not had the slightest effect, — the companies have consolidated 
regardless of the law. For statements by Mr. Hubbard, Mr. McCabe, and others show- 
ing the impossibility of stopping discrimination by regulative measures, see I.T.U. 
Hearings, 29, 33, and 46. The Hon. Marlon Butler hit the nail on the head as usual 
when he said that regulation was " merely attempting to palliate something without 
removing the cause that Is hostile to good government." Id. 46. As for the absolute 
economies that would be effected by union with the post office, no one dreams that 
they could be achieved by regulation. 

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public, you only give the monopoly a new motive to corrupt 
your officials, and add a few names to the salary list you 
have to pay. Even without corruption the monopoly can 
often evade the law. It can keep its books in such a way as 
to give an appearance of value to stock that is really water. 
Once issued and sold in part to bona fide purchasers for 
value, and the courts will refuse to sustain a law that cute 
off reasonable dividends from the stock, water or no water. 
It is a mere matter of book-keeping to defeat in the courts 
any law reducing the telegraph tariff to anything like the 
just level, and as for provisions relating to service or treat- 
ment of employees, it would probably cost four times as much 
to enforce them against an unwilling management as all 
obtainable results would be worth. The only way that regu- 
lative measures could be successful would be to make them 
so stringent that the directors of the company would become 
practically the agents of the people, bound to manage the 
business in the interest of the public. Such measures would 
amount to confiscation to public use — a sort of public own- 
ership without compensation, for control is the essence of 
ownership — an unjust public ownership and unstable and 
inefficient because the trustee would be out of accord with 
the cestui, would serve him unwillingly and take advan- 
tage of eveiy opportunity to beat him. As we have before 
remarked, one D elected and paid by W to serve W, and 
compelled by G to serve G, will not be as reliable a servant 
of G as one elected and paid by G. Regulation cannot 
transform the telegraph into a service of the people carried 
on for the public benefit instead of the benefit of the mag- 
nates, unless the regulation is pushed to practical confisca- 
tion, and even then it will be the lame, reluctant, insecure, 
half-way service of a conquered province. The Interstate 
Commerce Act and the Anti-Trust law are good examples of 
the fate awaiting efforts to regulate or control monopolies — 
dead failures both of them in respect to the main purposes 
of enactment, — a heavy drain on the public purse, with 
almost no benefit except the aid the experience gives in 
teaching our people tliat regulation will not accomplish the 
good they desire. 

The owner of a business is going to control the business in 
his own interest, not in your interest. The owner of the 
drug store down at the comer is not going to sell you goods 
at cost, he is going to make all he can out of you. You 

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must go into partnership with him or open a store of your 
own if you want to get goods at cost and be sure of their 
quality. It is a good deal better for you to own a flourishing 
business yourself than to have some one else own it all. 
And these simple facts are as true of Uncle Sam and the 
telegraph as they are of you and the drug store. If the 
people want the telegraph run in their interest they must 
own the telegraph. If you had a chance to vote yourself into 
partnership in a business the profits of which were six or eight 
millions a year, and could do it without injustice to any one 
since a partnersliip right at your option was reserved to you 
in the deed that granted the francliise, wouldn't you cast the 
vote ? I guess you would. Isn't it queer Uncle Sam doesn't 
do the same thing ? 

The fact that private monopoly is a potent factor in the 
causation of telegraphic evils is fully recognized in the 
reports and discussions of the subject. The Committee on 
Railroads said: 

In order to intelligently conclude as to the proper remedy for the 
evils sought to be cured,* to wit, the great existing monopoly of the 
business of transmitting telegraph despatches, etc. 8 

Postmaster-General John Wanamaker told the Bingham 
committee that the Western Union " practically controls the 
business of telegraphing in this country and between the 
United States and foreign countries." 7 And in his printed 
argument he quotes approvingly the words of Isidor Rayner, 
chairman of the Committee on Commerce : 

The great question that underlies the discussion of this measure [the 
Glover telegraph bill] is whether we are not in the hands of a monop- 
oly that not only has the right to fix its charges arbitrarily, but can crush 
opposition whenever It encounters it. Of these monopolies I submit that 
the telegraph system of this country, substantially owned and controlled 
by one man, is the worst and most dangerous of them all. ... It is no 
longer safe or expedient to intrust into the hands of one overpowering 
monopoly the telegraphic business of this country. It is a power that not 
only canbe used, but has been perverted for purposes hostile to the best 
interests of the i>eople. The markets of the country, its finances, and 
its commercial interests to so large an extent depend upon the honest 
and honorable administration of the management of the business of this 
company that the people are in no mood to repose a trust of this character 
any longer without competition in the hands of a stock-jobbing corpora- 
tion, whose managers, in the nature of things, have not the slightest 

6 Sen. Rep. 805,45-3, p. 1. 

7 Bingham Hearings, p. 2. 

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interest for the public good, but are alone concerned in the aggrandize- 
ment of their own fortunes. 8 

It is true that the Western Union is not the only company 
in operation — there are little companies here and there that • 
do a small local business, and there is the Mackay concern, 
delusively called the Postal Telegraph Company, which is the 
only outstanding system capable of substantial competition 
with the Western Union, and with it the Western Union has 
an agreement that prevents competition. Wanamaker says : 

Many telegraph companies have been established from time to time, 
but to-day there are but two independent companies. All but one have 
been in some form identified with the one corporation, and the one to be 
excepted, that is not yet known to have surrendered, is admittedly 
operated in concert with the other by joint traffic agreement.' 

The Western Union ha* also " a compact with the Bell 
Telephone Company by which the Bell Company is restricted 
in the use of the telephone so that it will not come into com- 
petition with the telegraph." 10 The Western Union has con- 
tracts with the railways excluding other telegraph companies 
from the privileges enjoyed by the Western Union in respect 
to right of way, freight rates on poles, wire, etc. 11 We have 
already seen how the understanding between the telegraph 
monopoly and the news monopoly works to sustain both and 

8 House Rep. 055, 50-1, p. 2; Wanamaker's Arg. p. 6; I. T. U. Hearings, p. 34; The 
Voice, Aug. 8, 1865, p. 1. 

• Postmaster-General's Rep., Dec. 6, 1892, p. 24. The admission of the existence of 
such an agreement between the two companies was made by Dr. Norvin Green, presi- 
dent^ the Western Union, in his second testimony before the Bingham committee, 
p. 2. See also I. T. U. Hearings, p. 88, statement of Congressman Maguire : " The 
Western Union Telegraph Company and the Postal Telegraph Company, haying com- 
pleted their systems, and finding that there was still a very large margin which they 
could divide between them above Interest on the actual cost of the plants of both com- 
panies, formed a tort of pool, and proceeded to charge the old prices, rendering prac- 
tically no better service than was rendered originally by the old company, and not at 
all benefiting the people." 

10 Victor Rosewater, In The Voice, Aug. 28, 1895, p. 1. See Elec. Eng., Aug. 28, 1895. 

H Testimony of Dr. Green before the Hill committee. See Sen. Rep. 677, or the 
quotation in The Voice, June 6, 1896, p. 8. Railway men tell me that the Interlocking of 
railway and Western Union Interests would of itself render successful competition 
with the Western Union an impossibility in respect to the greater part of the country. 
In many cases the Western Union builds lines and supplies machinery, railway em- 
ployees run the offices, transact railway and commercial business, turn over fifty per 
cent of the receipts to the Western Union, and carry all Western Union material and 
employees free. On the other hand, the Western Union contracts to forward railway 
messages free. The managers of the Western Union have great railway Interests, — 
the managers of railways are largely interested In the Western Union and its profits. 
As against the people, the railroads and the telegraph constitute substantially one 

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" make them," as the Hill committee says, " practically, as 
against the general public, a single corporation." 12 
Mr. McKinley said to the Bingham committee : 

The Western Union Telegraph Company have appeared here against 
this hill [the Wanamaker bill, merely asking that the Post Office might 
have the right to rent wires from a private company, — from the Western 
Union if they would supply the lines]. We are not surprised at the atti- 
tude of this company in relation to the proposed legislation. They know 
the profits on the business and hence will do their utmost to keep com- 
petition out of the field. They desire the monopoly of the telegraph 
business of the future as they have had it in the past. They therefore 
will, as a matter of business, place every obstruction in the way of this 
contemplated legislation. 13 

Such are a few of the many striking passages dealing with 
the monopolistic character of our telegraph system. 

It is this fact of a virtual monopoly in private hands that 
has enabled the Western Union to continue its exorbitant 
charges, its poor service, its suppression of inventions, 14 its 
tyranny over the press, and its enormous power and profit. 
Competition among private companies is out of the question 
— it has been tried scores of times and has always failed 
because the companies find it more profitable to combine than 
to fight — the Kilkenny cat performance may be very amus- 
ing to the public, but is not so satisfactory to the cats. 
With private competition wasteful and impossible, and pri- 
vate monopoly fraught with danger and pregnant with evil, 
there is nothing left but public ownershipr 

i*8cn. Rep. 577. The Voice, May 30, 1896, p. 8. I. T. U. Hearings, p. 6. V Tne 
moment this bill [establishing a postal telegraph] becomes a law, that moment will 
the news monopoly be broken." 

w Bingham Hearings, McKinley*s testimony, p. 29. 

H Postmaster-General Wanamaker, in his argument, pp. 11, 148-5, gives a list of 
sixteen inventions practically suppressed in one way or another by the Western 
Union. They are of little value to the country at present, because they are shelved 
and refused admittance to their proper place in active service. Some of them are 
potentially of vital Importance, and if given their true place as part of the active 
telegraph plant of the country, would cheapen and quicken and Improve the trans, 
mission of Intelligence to an astonishing degree (as will appear hereafter) ; but the 
people cannot have the benefit of them In any substantial degree until the Western 
Union has got the wear out of its old plant. Mr. Wanamaker says: "I have had 
enumerated perhaps a score of devices already patented for the purpose of cheap, 
ening and quickening the telegraph service, which find no use and no profit under 
the present conditions. I am sure that many of these Inventions are good, but they 
cannot be got into operation with the Held monopolized. The public cannot have the 
benefit of this rare class of brains, nor can the inventors find a deserved remunera- 
tion for their work. The Western Union Company having control of the telegraph 
business has no use for devices which cheapen and quicken the telegraph service 
and warrant a claim for reduction of rates (at least if the adoption of the Invention 
would throw the present lines and machinery out of use to a large extent, and so cut 

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The last point to which the plaintiffs invite the attention 
of the honorable court upon this branch of the subject is the 
fact that private monopoly means taxation without representa- 
tion. The monopolist is able to charge more than his service 
would be worth in a fair competitive market. 16 The differ- 
ence is not given in exchange for value received, but is a 
tribute to power, — a tax levied by a privileged class, indus- 
trial kings and aristocrats, and collected from the people by 
compulsion of their necessities — a tax that is levied and 
collected by a power in which the people have no representa- 
tion and in sums so great that the tax in resistance to which 
the patriots of '76 took arms was but a trifle in comparison, 
— a tax for private purposes without even the pretence of 
being levied for the public good. Ponder well this startling 
fact, that private monopoly involves the power of taxation 
without representation and for private purposes, — a power 
which the legislature cannot lawfully confer upon any man 
or set of men, because it does not possess any such power 
itself. It can tax or authorize taxation for public purposes 

a slice out of the company's Investment, making considerable expenditure necessary 
for a new plant in harmony with the Improved methods of transmission). The pub- 
lic, not knowing what it misses, cannot become aroused to the defects in methods now 
in vogue. If once a break is made in this rampart of telegraph monopoly, not only 
will the men and women who build and use the telegraph find a better market for 
their skill, but inventors, knowing that their cases are to be tried before an Impartial 
court, will also find a spur to better efforts." (Wan. Arg. p. 11.) The Western 
Union did adopt the quadruplex twenty-five years ago, because It greatly increased 
the capacity of their wires with scarcely any additional expense, but since that it has 
made no advance, except to import the Wheatstone system from England and use 
It to a small extent. 

Among the Inventions kept out of use are multiplex systems by which eight, 
twelve, or even twenty messages can be sent on a single wire; simultaneous sys- 
tems by which the same wire may be used at the same time for telegraphic and tele- 
phonic communications; autographic systems by which the message is reproduced 
in the handwriting of the sender, and a diagram or picture may be sent by telegraph ; 
printing systems which transmit the message in Roman characters Instead of dots 
and dashes; automatic systems which send thousands of words a minute without 
any operator at all, the messages being written on typewriters in the telegraph office 
(or the office of the merchant, lawyer, etc., who sends them), put into a machine (just 
as a roll of music is put into an orchestrion), and reproduced at the other end in Morse 
characters or Roman letters corresponding with the original, a whole sheet full in 
a few seconds at a cost not exceeding 5 cents per 100 words, a fact estab- 
lished after ample experiment and attested by authorities of the highest character, 
as will be shown hereafter. No wonder Congressman Charles Sumner told the 
Committee on Post Offices and Post Roafos, March 25, 1884, that " The Western Union 
has suppressed inventions," adding, "It has done so systematically." 

15 Under real competition consumers pay the actual cost of the service plus a 
moderate profit; under monopoly they pay the actual cost plus all the traffic will 
bear. Competition tends toward the lowest price that will allow capital any interent 
sufficient to induce it to work. Monopoly tends toward the highest price the people 
will pay rather than go without the monopolist's service. 

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only, 14 and taxation for the benefit of an enterprise in private 
control is not for a public but for a private purpose, and is 
beyond the sphere of legislative power. 17 It follows that 
every grant of a franchise or special privilege is a breach of 
trust, an act in excess of the authority possessed by the 
agents of the people, a violation of the fundamental princi- 
ples of free government, because it tends to establish a mo- 
nopoly, which, as we have seen, ' involves taxation without 
representation and for private purposes, a double infringement 
of freedom. For centuries the courts have recognized the 
inherent injustice of monopolies and have declared them 
void. 18 Even the sovereign power of Queen Elizabeth was 
held incompetent to create monopolies, because they were det- 
rimental to the interests of the people. By what authority, 
then, can it be done by the agents of the people elected to 
conserve their interests? It is fundamental law that an 
agent must be loyal to the interests of his principal. 

The fact is that those who have obtained turnpike, -canal, 
railroad, telegraph, telephone, etc., privileges were cunning 
enough to call them " franchises," obscure by specious argu- 

16 United States Supreme Court In 90 Wallace, at 664, 106 U. S. 487. See also 58 Me. 
660, 2 Dill. 858; Cooley on Taxation, p. 116, and cases there cited. 

17 Judge Dillon in 27 la. 51. 8ee also 58 Me. 500. 

18 11 Coke, 84 b; 79 111. 846, at 850; 85 Oh. St 666; 50 N. J. Eq. 52, and 68 Pa. St. 178, 
on the coal combine; State v$. Standard Oil Co., 80 N. E. Rep. 279, 290, Oh. March, 
1892; Glbbs v$. Consolidated Gas Co. of Baltimore, 180 U. 8. 896; People vs. Chicago 
Gas Trust, 22 N. E. Rep. 279, 111. Nov. 26, 1889; see also 121 111. 580; Richardson vs. 
Buhl, 77 Mich. 682, The Diamond Match Trust case; The Sugar Trust cases, 7 N. Y. 
Sup. 406, and 156 U. S. 1, 11, and 29 Neb. 700 (May 28, 1890), The Whiskey Trust case; 
all affirming that trusts, pools, combinations, and contracts of all kinds that tend to 
create or maintain a monopoly are void as against public policy. It is established law 
that the grant of a franchise to a private corporation is a contract (Dartmouth College 
case, 4 Wheat 518), so that not merely the principle but the letter of these decisions 
covers such grants and declares them void. Yet strange as it may appear these very 
courts that affirm the legislative grant of a franchise to be a contract and also affirm 
that all contracts creating monopolies are void, nevertheless sustain monopolies 
created by the aforesaid grants, —the courts didn't think about their monopoly decis- 
ions when they called these grants contracts, they didn't mean to make them sub- 
ject to that part of the law of contracts, but only to the part that holds the grantor 
bound. The very same sort of a grant If made to a town or a city is not a contract at 
all and does not bind the legislature, — for example, the grant of a right to establish a 
ferry if made to a private corporation Is binding and cannot be repealed or altered 
unless power to do so was expressly reserved, but If made to a town or city the grant 
may be repealed or altered at the pleasure of the legislature (10 How., U. S. 611; 81 
N. Y. 164, 202-8; 16 Conn. 149; 18 111. 80, etc. See Dillon on Municipal Corporations, 
$§ 52, 54, 68). In other words a grant to ten or a dozen individuals incorporated into 
a company is a sacred obligation, but a grant to a million Individuals incorporated 
into a great city is no obligation at all,— the. grant of a telegraph franchise to the 
Western Union or Gold and Stock Company Is an unchangeable contract, but the 
grant of a telegraph franchise to the city of New York would be changeable and re- 
pealable at the pleasure of the State. Grants to private corporations are contracts 

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ment their real effect, and back them up in court and legis- 
lature with powerful influences until the habit of making 
such grants became established and the weight of precedent 
came to their aid. The consequence is that we have the 
curious spectacle of a government creating monopolies with 
one hand and trying to choke them with the other, — declaring 
absolutely void all monopolies formed by agreement among 
men because monopoly is in its nature contrary to public 
policy, and sustaining exactly similar, in some cases identical, 
monopolies established by the agents of the people without 
an atom of authority to do it, but through a flagrant breach 
of their trust, and in violation of the fundamental principles 
of free institutions which, as the highest courts are unani- 
mous in declaring, cannot be set aside even by a direct vote 
of a majority of the people. 19 

The clearest principles of constitutional jurisprudence 
inherent in the very nature of republican government 
require its power to be used for public and not for private 
interests and purposes, — monopoly is against public interest 
(as appears from its power of limiting freedom of commerce, 
of exacting more than - an equivalent for service rendered, of 
transferring to B the property of A without consideration, of 
taxation without representation and for private purposes, — its 
antagonism to public policy on these and other grounds being 
fully illustrated and established by the cogent reasoning and 
strong justice of a long line of decisions from the days of 
Elizabeth to the present time), therefore the fundamental 
principles of republican government are broken every time 
a franchise is granted and every moment a private monopoly 
is allowed to exist. Equal rights to all, special privileges to 
none, is the only rule consistent with liberty and justice. It 
is one of the fundamental axioms of governmental philosophy, 

when the court is considering the application of the constitutional provision against 
impairing contract obligations, and not contracts when the court Is considering the 
principle that contracts tending to create monopolies are against public policy, — con- 
tracts so far as necessary to enable the corporations to use the Constitution as a pro- 
teetion against the public, not contracts when it comes to principles intended to 
protect the public, — contracts when the Interests of the private corporation possess- 
ing the franchises require them to be, and not contracts when those interests point 
the other way, — to one not thoroughly familiar with our jurisprudence it might 
almost seem as though the monopolists had made the law, it favors them so much. 

Wit must be remembered, however, that long acquiescence by practically the 
whole people and the multitudinous interweaving of the rights of 4nnocent persons 
has made it impossible now to declare these grants void without great injustice. The 
people having so long permitted these legislative franchises and monopolies, ought 
not to confiscate the rights and properties that in good faith have clustered about 
them or grown out of them. 

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and was recognized by the most eminent jurists long before 
the Omaha convention made it the battle-cry of a new cru- 
sade. For example, Judge Cooley, whose name yields to none 
among living jurists, says on page 485 of his great work on 
Constitutional Limitations : 

Equality of rights, privileges, and capacities unquestionably should be 
the aim of the law ; special privileges are always obnoxious. 

Government is a union of all for the benefit of all. It is a 
cooperative effort to which all classes of the people contribute, 
and its powers should be used impartially. 

If a group of farmers and artisans A, B, C, D, etc., should 
elect M to direct the affairs of the group, and M should 
grant X the exclusive privilege of growing wheat, or of 
grinding it into flour and baking it into bread, it would 
be equivalent to granting X the right to rob the community 
each year of an amount equal to what they would pay above 
cost in preference to living in wheatlessness. 20 It is the same 
thing in principle for a Congress or a legislature to grant an 
exclusive telegraph franchise. On the other hand it is waste- 
ful to grant two or more telegraph franchises over the same 
routes, and ultimately the two or more will unite and estab- 
lish a substantial monopoly by virtue of their power of crush- 
ing opposition. Monopoly there must be ; it is wrong for it 
to be in private hands ; therefore it must be in public hands. 
The people must keep their franchises, or regain them if they 
have passed into private control. Monopoly involves the 
power of taxation, which can justly be exercised only by the 
public for the benefit of the public. Therefore monopoly must 
belong to the public. The public ownership of the telegraph 
franchise is demanded by the inexorable logic of justice and 
liberty, and is an essential corollary from the clearest and most 
axiomatic principles of constitutional law set forth and 
expounded century after century by the great jurists of 
Europe and America. 

» H may be said that the community would still retain the right to regulate the 
prices that X should charge. That Is true, but the right of regulation has to be 
exercised through M, and X owns M by making M a sharer of his booty; and even If 
the farmers were fortunate enough to elect an Incorruptible man, or wise enough to take 
Into their own hands the right to deride on the question of fair rates, X would still 
have the courts behind him, and by means of stock-watering, flexible book-keeping, 
Influence, and a *• Judicious " use of money, he would be pretty safe In the time- 
honored privilege of monopolistic extoition. If the farmers should by any possibility 
succeed In fixing the rates to suit themselves, they would simply substitute the Injus- 
tice of a contract In which the price is fixed by the buyer without competition, 
in place of the injustice of a contract in which the price is fixed by the seller 
without competition. 

(Zb be continued.) 

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» * 


The anonymous correspondent is, generally speaking, an 
unknown quantity. He loves to attack or to criticise 
from a hiding-place, whose obscurity gives him confidence 
and guarantees him impunity. He dreads nothing like 
responsibility, and loves nothing like the license which its 
absence imparts. His motives are generally ignoble and 
frequently tincture his communications with personal reflec- 
tions and unworthy innuendo. He sometimes makes of 
himself a passing annoyance, but seldom provokes or 
deserves a reply to his witticisms, his charges, his asser- 
tions, or his arguments. 

My impulse on reading your communication was to 
ignore it. That impulse I should have respected but for one 
or two considerations which are obvious from slight reflec- 
tion. Your " uncopyrighted assertions " (I cannot call them 
arguments) are made with evident sincerity. You also 
display good judgment in declining to recognize them as 
• . . . 


Let us suppose that the Congress which convene** In December, 1897, together 
with the newly elected President, should favor "free silver." They assemble 
and pass an act for unlimited coinage at the ratio of 16 to 1. to take effect 
sav Jan. 1, 1898. This Is just what the advocates of unlimited silver mistakenly 
think would inaugurate general prosperity. Let us see what would be the real 

The moment that such an enactment became even probable there would 
be such a deluge of American securities and stocks, corporate, municipal, St:tte, 
and national, returned from the Old World, that prices would rapidly approximate 
toward one naif of present valueB. Besides, all stocks and bonds that are more 
exclusively held in this country would sympathetically decline with them In 
about the same proportion. 

The $660,000,000 of gold coin (more or less) now In the country would at 
once lose Its function as money, and command a high premium. It would 
rapidly leave the country, and for the time being there would be a contrac- 
tion of the monetary medium to that amount. No matter how much subsequent 
Inflation might come after a few years of free coinage, the immediate effect 
would be a general collapse and universal paralysis. The panic of 1893 was puny and 
infantile when compared with the one that would come In 1898. There would be an 
immediate and tremendous shrinkage of all values, and of labor the most of all. Few 
who were in debt could pay, but when tilings really got to the worst, the opportunity 
for the wealthy to purchase at great bargains would be immense. Thus the already 
rich would become vastly richer, and the present inequality be greatly Increased. 
There would be general bankruptcy, and for a few years lal>or would be a 
drug. 8evere as was the panic of 1893, It was comparatively but a mere step (and then 
arrested) in the direction indicated. After weary months'and years, business would 
slowly emerge from the wreck and chaos. 

But in the mean time another current would have started. The silver of the world 
would be dumped upon the United States, and with greatly increased mint service, in 
perhaps three or four years an inflation would begin to make itself felt. But even 


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your offspring. They are not intended for myself par- 
ticularly, but are to be sown broadcast, to take root in 
the public mind, and supplant the tares now rioting luxuri- 
antly in that fecund but poorly cultivated soil. Above 
all, they concisely embody the prevailing objections to a 
restoration of silver to its legitimate place in the currency of 
the country, and contain in a nutshell the "case against 
bimetallism, 9 ' as stated by Mr. Carlisle and repeated ad 
nauseam by the "sound-money" periodicals of the day. 
You are therefore not only anonymous, but many-headed and 
many-mouthed. Hence if I can answer you successfully, I 
refute not merely one "financial seer," but the multitude 
who are feeding on the husks of a false economy and starv- 
ing for the manna of the truth. 

You have doubtless observed, my friend, that the mono- 
metallic argument a priori has failed utterly ; that historical 
precedents do not sustain it; that in practice the single 
standard is productive of widespread suffering and stagnation. 
You know that statesmen like Webster and Blaine have 
denied to Congress the constitutional power to take from 
either of the money metals its legal-tender, debt-paying func- 
tion. You also know that when silver was demonetized by 
the act of Feb. 12, 1873, the silver dollar was worth one hun- 
dred and three cents in gold, and that in January, 1878, 
Congress by joint resolution and by an overwhelming 
majority in both houses solemnly declared that by their 
express terms all government obligations were payable 
at its option in the gold and silver coin of the standard 
values of July 14, 1870. Knowing these things, you 

then the Increase in values would only be seeming and nominal, for the basis would 
be silver. Foreign exchange would be about one hundred per cent premium, and all 
the rise would be only apparent and deceptive. 

The final effect of this Inflation would be still again to make the rich richer and 
the poor poorer. All kinds of commodities would nominally rise, but what of the man 
who had no commodities? The property of the mllllonnalre would be doubled (nom- 
inally), and the man who before had nothing would have twice nothing. 

wages, in time, would apparently double like everything else, but they are 
always the last of the procession. Long before that time, every commodity that the 
laboring man needs would have doubled, and therefore he would be not only 
relatively but positively worse off than before. 

Both by the panic and by the subsequent Inflation, therefore, the present Ine- 
quality would be terribly intensified. The unscrupulous financier, the wrecker, 
and the shrewd operator would fatten, for they always can take advantage of 
violent fluctuations, whether upward or downward. 

All wage-earners, people on salaries, and every producer, as well as all legitimate 
business, would suffer, both during the great depression and the final inflation. 
Unsettled conditions, of whatever nature, always lodge more of the fixed wealth 
of the country in the hands of those who already nave the advantage. 

We already -have a practical bimetallism, if that be construed as meaning the two 
metals In liberal supply. This Is only possible when the dearer metal Is made 
the standard, and then a certain amount of the inferior metal can be floated at a 
parity. A Financial Seer. 

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have retired from the field of argument, and in reverent 
imitation of Silas Wegg you have dropped into prophecy. It 
may pain you to be told that your prophecies are neither 
modern nor original. I cannot inform you how old they are, 
because they and others of their kith and kin are always 
drawn from their kennels and groomed and curried for 
use whenever the overthrow of a grievous public abuse 
is demanded in the interest of a suffering humanity. 
" Rather bear those ills we have than fly to others that 
• we know not of," has long been an illuminated text in 
the homes of the beneficiaries of oppression; In times 
of social upheaval and popular discontent there is noth- 
ing better for general use than doleful predictions of terrible 
disaster to the poor and the heavy-laden should their 
protest against wrong and their cry for relief be heeded. 
And so it was not strange that in 1878 the opponents 
of the Bland Bill, and again in 1890 the opponents of 
free coinage, with doleful visage should have pictured as 
the consequences of a limited silveinjoinage law the very 
things which you so kindly tell me must occur in 1897 
should the money of the Constitution be once more secured to 
the people. Were these dark omens of disaster verified by 
the logic of events, or were they intended to " split the ears 
of the groundlings " ? 

Before answering these queries, let me ask you why the 
probability of the enactment of a free-coinage measure would 
deluge us with those of our securities which the Old World 
holds. Does it not hold as well securities against silver 
using peoples? Are not Argentina and Chili and China 
bonded to Britain ? Did not China float her recent loan in 
London, with Germany and France clamoring to obtain it ? 
And is not Japanese credit good in Frankfort-on-the-Main ? 
Have not the manipulators of exchange inserted a gold pro- 
viso in all our time contracts, and construed one into all 
Federal obligations? And if the deluge came, would our 
securities be unloaded at a sacrifice ? If they were, would 
we be economic losers? If they were not, would they be 
transferred to us at all ? 

The vast sum of $650,000,000 of gold coin, of which we 
hear so much, is not in this country. If the reports of the 
comptroller of the currency are reliable, the half of it cannot 
be located. But assuming that we had it, and that it would 
44 rapidly leave the country," kindly tell us where it would go. 

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You surely will not contend that like some sentient thing 
it will retire from the world and disappear. It will not 
"soar to yon distant and cloud-mantled skies," nor will it 
return to the bosom of the hills. If it goes, it will seek some 
country where its exchangeability for debt or for property is 
greater than with us. Its migratory flight will be prompted 
wholly by the fact that it can perform a greater monetary 
duty elsewhere. Its owners will not lock it up and lose 
interest, nor pay storage upon the inert mass. " The precious 
metals," says Edward Tuck, " have never yet flowed in large 
volume from one country to another, except to fulfil the 
mission of legal tender for debt, the highest, noblest, and 
most valuable function that metal can perform." Avalanche 
#650,000,000 of our gold upon Europe, and it must find 
employment there. It will quicken the energies of the Old 
World into renewed life ; prices will rise ; labor will become 
active ; prosperity will reappear, and the marvels of the sixth 
decade will be re-enacted, to bless and reward the energies 
and the efforts of mankind. These conditions will create a 
demand for corn, for wheat, for wool, for cotton, for all the 
comforts of life ; and that demand will set the wheels of all 
our stagnant industries in motion once more, to the confusion 
of hard times and the destruction of discontent. Would that, 
in the opinion of a " financial seer," be a blessing or a curse ? 
But, my dear sir, let me ask whether since 1892 gold has 
not been going rather rapidly. Has it not indeed been dis- 
appearing with somewhat startling rapidity ever since the 
prevalence of those conditions which you have for years de- 
clared to be necessary for its retention among us? Have 
you never reflected that we have had no gold in circulation for 
years? that even the greenback has been practically with- 
drawn for gold purchases by those patriots who, clamoring for 
the maintenance of public credit, are the only ones who have 
ever sought to impair it? that the despised silver dollar 
and certificate, together with the national bank-note, are doing 
the monetary work of the nation ? Wake up, my dear sir, 
and look around you. Gold is at a premium now. It has 
been for three or four years. Our smelters sell their gold 
bullion direct to dealers at a premium over its mint value. 
The borrower who is required to pay in that metal does not 
get it from the lender. Paper currency, redeemable in silver 
or its equivalent, is good enough for him. And strange to 
say, these things are the legitimate offspring of your gold 

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Heretofore we have been told that free coinage meant a 
debasement of the currency. You tell us it would result in 
immediate contraction, with a consequent panic compared 
with which that of 1893 would be "puny and infantile." I 
note with pleasure that this cheerful prophecy involves the 
admission that contraction must result in panic and paralysis. 
Heretofore the assertion of this fact has been regarded as an 
evidence of silver lunacy. You correctly outline the conse- 
quences of contraction, with all of which I quite agree ; but 
your leader, the Secretary of the Treasury, is, I think, entitled 
to the doubtful credit of originating the proposition that an 
increased coinage of metallic money will diminish its volume ; 
that with free coinage a slender supply of debased currency 
would constitute our circulation ; and that unparalleled misery 
and suffering would ensue. "If," said Senator Blackburn, 
" he can prove that money can be both scarce and cheap, I 
will acknowledge that I am laboring under some strange 

In 1861 both gold and silver crossed the ocean. That 
which remained was locked in the vaults of the preservers 
of our national credit. The greenback came to the front, 
fed the armies, equipped the navies, upheld the flag, and 
crushed the Rebellion. I do not recall that the ignoble flight 
of gold and silver was then attended or followed by the 
frightful consequences which you now seem to think inevi- 
table under such conditions. 

You have assured us many times during the past three 
years that we were in no need of an increasing metallic cii> 
dilation, because checks, bills of exchange, etc., had super- 
seded the actual use of money in the affairs of men. I have 
seen it frequently stated of late that less than three per cent 
of our business exchanges is effected by the payment of 
money. Hence its use and actual possession is declared by 
your school to be unnecessary. This being true, what boots 
it that our gold will migrate under the contingencies you 
suppose? Will we not retain our drafts and check-books, 
and can we not use them as of yore, whether gold shall abide 
in democratic America or shall seek the society of the 
Queen ? 

But "another current" would dump the silver of the 
world upon the United States. What a calamity ! The sil- 
ver of the world would, if compressed in single bulk, consti- 
tute a cube of sixty-six feet. You could easily store it in 

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the basement of one of Boston's modern buildings. Our 
mints could not coin it in ninety years ; but if they 
could do it in five, we should only have a per capita silver 
coinage of about fifty dollars. "Nations have perished," 
said Col. Ingereoll, " but not because they possessed an over^ 
abundance of silver." 

A " financial seer " should be the last of all men to " dump 
the silver of the world upon the United States." It has been 
done by demagogues and alarmists with great frequency dur- 
ing recent years, but the average monometallist has long since 
ceased the practice. Three fourths of the inhabitants of this 
planet use silver money only, but they never have had and 
never will have a monopoly of the metal ; neither will they 
part with their holdings by way of dumpage or otherwise. 
To deprive them of it would be to deprive them of their 
medium of exchange, without leaving them that solace of 
draft and check-book to which we can always resort. Besides, 
their ratio is higher than ours, and they cannot afford, if they 
were otherwise inclined, to bring it over and coin it at a loss, 
to say nothing of the cost of transportation. There are 
about $1,100,000,000 of coined silver in Europe. It is in 
active circulation. Its ratio to gold is 15£ to 1. You can- 
not buy a farthing of it below its coin value. To transport 
it and recoin it here at 16 to 1 would entail a loss of not less 
than $33,000,000. Your financial friends would not under- 
take the job, however much they may desire to see your pre- 
dictions verified. But if they should, how would you fill 
the vacuum caused by its deportation ? Your $650,000,000 
of gold, which you propose to take from us, cannot do it. 
You cannot procure silver elsewhere with which to do it, un- 
less you rob your dump ; and if you do that you relieve us 
of its unwelcome presence. What then becomes of your 
prophecy ? 

Our nearest neighbor, Mexico, is a monometallic silver 
country. The United States produces about forty per cent 
of the world's annual silver product. Instead of " dumping 
it upon Mexico," we permit Great Britain to put her own 
price on it, and then sell it to her for the benefit of her trade 
with silver countries. Surely, if your assumption is correct, 
it would go to Mexico, "where inflation would begin to make 
itself felt" 

To this proposition I have caught your answer. I hear you 
say that the Mexican dollar is worth but fifty cents in our 

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money, and therefore our silver bullion, when coined in 
Mexico, will give its owner no profit. Very well. When 
you say that in the event of free coinage prevailing in 
America, the world's silver will be attracted hitherward, you 
concede the contention of the bimetallism that free coinage will 
restore to silver its mint value of $1319 per ounce. What 
then becomes of your false and foolish cry of cheap silver 
money ? 

Your assertion that in times of panic and currency famine 
the rich become richer and the poor poorer is true. The fact 
that 35,000 citizens of this Republic own half its wealth, and 
are rapidly absorbing the remainder, furnishes sufficient proof 
of it. If other evidence were necessary, it is easily supplied 
by the reflection that the same process of absorption is active 
in Germany, in Italy, in Belgium, in Great Britain. These 
are " sound-money," that is to say, gold-standard, countries. 
There are 72,000,000 acres of land in Great Britain. Under 
its " sound-money " rSgime^ 1,000 men have acquired 
30,000,000 of these acres ; 14,000 men own 20,000,000 of 
them. The remaining 22,000,000 acres are at present 
divided among 38,485,000 inhabitants of the islands ; but if 
existing confidence and credit continue a few years longer, 
the latter will be relieved by the former of their present hold- 
ings. Like causes produce like effects. Landlordism is becom- 
ing " quite a fad " in America, and the small freeholder is too 
un-English to be popular much longer. If any conditions can 
be produced or imagined whereby " the unscrupulous finan- 
cier, the wrecker, and the slirewd operator would fatten" 
more prodigiously than he has under those which have pre- 
vailed during the past twenty years, may the Almighty in His 
infinite mercy blast and destroy them in the germ. 

That inflation tends to make the rich richer and the poor 
poorer, I flatly deny. That the free coinage of gold and sil- 
ver as before 1873 would unduly or injuriously inflate the 
currency, I also deny. Undue or unnecessary inflation is an 
unquestionable evil. Its effect on material prosperity is per- 
nicious. But its curses are blessings compared to the 
awful paralysis of contraction. Syndicates may deplore, but 
they cannot corner an abundant circulation. Money when 
plenteous is ever the handmaid, not the object, of commerce. 
History has written many indictments against an unlimited 
currency, but absorption, through its medium of the property, 
the industries, the administration, and the control of a nation, 
is not one of them. 

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But inflation, if by that term you mean a superabundant 
circulation, is impossible to a system of currency based on 
the coinage of gold and silver. The world's supply of both 
metals is not too great for the world's industrial needs. The 
annual product of both is restricted by natural laws which 
can neither be ignored nor obviated. The demand for both 
is insatiable, not only for use as money, but in the arts as 
well. All countries supplement their monetary use with a 
system of paper issues, and in many of them both gold and 
silver are strangers to the channels of active circulation. 

You close your forecast of events consequent upon the 
triumph of free coinage with the assurance that " we already 
have a practical bimetallism, if that be construed as 
meaning the two metals in liberal supply." But this you 
say "is only possible when the dearer metal is made the 
standard, and then a certain amount of the inferior metal 
can be floated at a parity." 

I cannot at this time discuss with you the question of 
standards. Indeed I do' not comprehend what is really 
meant by the term when applied to values, unless all money 
in circulation at a given time is taken into consideration. 
The Supreme Court of the United States declares value to be 
an idea, and that there can be no standard for an idea. The 
term u unit of account " as used in our first coinage act, is 
easily understood, and that is what you must mean when you 
speak of a standard, whether you intend it or not But 
your assertion that bimetallism is only possible when the 
dearer metal is made the standard — in which event a cer- 
tain amount of the inferior metal can be floated at a parity — 
is the most remarkable proposition, seriously made, that has 
been advanced in finance for many days. That sort of 
bimetallism would satisfy the kaleidoscopic notions of our 
voluble and garrulous Secretary of Agriculture. Prior to 
1873 the silver dollar was our unit of account. Its value 
was slightly in excess of the gold dollar of 25.8 grains. If 
then we had made silver the "standard," we might have 
floated a little gold at a parity ; but instead of doing so, we 
made the cheaper metal the standard. Yet, if you are cor- 
rect, we thereby became enabled to float a certain amount of 
silver at a parity! I know of but one parallel to this absurd- 
ity. It was furnished by the Century Magazine when in 1893 
it gravely informed an anxious inquirer that the silver dol- 
lar was worth a hundred cents in gold because it could be 

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taken to the treasury at Washington and there exchanged 
for a gold dollar. 

The "practical bimetallism" which you insist we now 
have is this : Under the limited coinage acts of 1878 and 
1890, $547,777,049 in silver coin and bullion have been 
placed in circulation, either in specie or certificates. Every 
dollar of this sum is worth a hundred cents in gold. This 
is so, not because the dearer metal is the standard, but 
because it is issued by the Government as money, is exchange- 
able at par for property and for debt, and is absolutely essen- 
tial to the prosecution of our commercial and industrial 
affairs. But if your assumption of the effect of silver coin- 
age upon prosperity be correct, it ought to be a debased 
currency and responsible for all the ills which now afflict the 
land ; for, as I have once intimated, your dismal prophecies 
attended the purchase of every ounce and the coinage of 
every silver dollar since 1878. Permit me to convince you 
that our limited silver-coinage acts, compulsory, unscientific, 
and clumsy as they were, have been of incalculable benefit 
to the nation, and although administered by unfriendly hands, 
have vindicated the wisdom of their framers and given con- 
clusive assurance of the absolute necessity of bimetallism 
to the permanent progress and welfare of our people. 

In 1878 Secretary Sherman gravely assured a congres- 
sional committee that 50,000,000 of silver dollars would 
drive our gold across the sea. Yet it is a curious fact that 
with the exception of the years 1847 and 1849 our exports 
had always exceeded our imports of gold until the Bland 
Act became effective. Under its provisions our actual coin- 
age of silver was greater than at any former period of our 
history. Despite the secretary's warning, our imports of 
gold from 1878 to 1892 were nearly 100 per cent greater 
than our exports. We had free coinage down to 1873. Yet 
from 1849 to 1861 we exported #425,620,549 of gold in ex- 
cess of our imports, and we imported $8,218,755 of silver in 
excess of our exports. From the commencement of the 
Rebellion down to 1878 nearly all of our gold and silver 
specie was exported. But the tide turned with the Bland 
Bill in 1878. At that time the total of gold coin and bullion 
in the Union as reported to the Treasury Department was 
$245,741,837. In 1892 the same authority reported the sum 
at $664,275,335. How in the face of facts like these it can 
be asserted that the coinage of silver will drive out gold I 
leave it for a " financial seer " to determine. 

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376 ' THE ARENA. 

In 1889 the excess of gold exports over gold imports was 
nearly $50,000,000. This was accounted for at the time by 
the immense efflux of tourists to the Paris Exposition ; an 
explanation justified by the fact that the deficit fell to 
$4,000,000 for the succeeding year. During all this time 
the Government paid its obligations in lawful money without 
discrimination. But in 1891 Messrs. Heidelbach, Ichel- 
heimer & Co., a firm then and now engaged in the mainte- 
nance of the public credit, presented $1,000,000 in green- 
backs at the sub-treasury, and demanded their redemption in 
gold. v The demand was complied with by an obsequious 
administration calling itself Republican, and the precedent 
thus established has been sedulously observed by an obsequi- 
ous administration calling itself Democratic. On July 1, 
1891, silver coinage was suspended by the Secretary of the 
Treasury under the Act of 1890. Since then we have 
coined of our silver in round numbers of $42,000,000 ; but we 
have exported of our gold $231,431,368 in excess of what 
we have imported. Nay more, we have increased our bonded 
indebtedness by $262,500,000, and added an annual interest 
charge of more than $11,000,000 to the burdens of the peo- 
ple, payable in gold; the contract and the statute to the 
contrary notwithstanding. 

Although the Government made large purchases of silver 
during the operation of these laws, the last of which was de- 
signed to absorb the domestic product of the metal, we nev- 
ertheless exported $183,357,570 of silver coin and bullion in 
excess of our imports. We were neither flooded nor threat- 
ened with a flood of silver, although you and other financial 
seers were as certain then as now that we would be. 

From 1878 to 1892 inclusive we paid more than 67 per 
cent of our national interest-bearing debt. The principal of 
that debt in 1873, when the gold unit was adopted, was 
$1,710,483,950. During the five years between that date 
and the passage of the Bland Act, while gold alone was 
standard money, it was increased by $84,251,700, so that in 
1878 the total interest-bearing debt was $1,794,735,650. At 
the close of the fiscal year of 1892 we had reduced this 
amount to $585,020,330, having paid thereon in fourteen 
years under tf limited bimetallism the vast sum of $1,209,- 
715,320, to say nothing of $793,720,541.55 by way of inter- 
est. We had reduced the annual interest charge from 
$94,654,472.50 in 1878 to $22,893,883.20 in 1892. Under 

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the operation of these despised laws we had a large surplus 
in the treasury as early as 1884 ; and in 1887, when it 
exceeded $100,000,000, President Cleveland cried out against 
our excessive taxation and begged Congress to reduce the 
revenue, that the people might retain in their own hands an 
enormous sum, which under existing laws was a useless ac- 
cumulation*in the national treasury, dangerous to the moral 
and material welfare of the people, and a continuing menace 
to legislative integrity. 

So rapidly did our bonded debt disappear that Senator 
Sherman proclaimed the doom of the national banking sys- 
tem, and urged upon Congress the necessity of making early 
provision for a new basis for a bank-note circulation. Whether 
succeeding events, culminating in fresh issues of Government 
bonds, are in any wise associated with these conditions, I 
leave for financial seers to determine. 

Gold commanded a premium in the United States from 
1861 until the late Summer of 1878. By that time thd 
provisions of the Bland Act were in full effect. Before the 
commencement of 1879 it fell to par, and so remained until 
silver coinage practically ceased with the repeal of the Act 
of 1890, when it again rose above the level of the other 
forms of currency. It is true that the act of resumption 
took "effect on Jan. 1, 1879 ; but that law would have failed 
of its purpose without the aid of the compulsory silver coin- 
age of the Bland Bill and the act prohibiting the retirement 
of the existing volume of greenbacks. With specie re- 
stricted to gold, with no addition to our currency circulation 
except the coinage of that metal, and with our foreign annual 
interest charge of $250,000,000 payable in gold or its equiv- 
alent, to say nothing of the volume needed at home for simi- 
lar payments, how long will it remain even nominally at par ? 

During the period under consideration the increase of our 
material wealth and the expansive development of our re- 
sources were prodigious. Ninety-six thousand one hundred 
and sixteen miles of railroad, or considerably more than fifty 
per cent of our total mileage, were constructed. Our numer- 
ical increase of population was greater than during any simi- 
lar period. Deposits in the savings banks swelled from 
$879,897,425 to $1,712,769,026, and in national banks from 
$199,900,000 to $519,300,000. Our foreign trade grew from 
$1,202,708,609 to $1,857,680,610, and our domestic com- 
merce increased in like proportion. Although coining silver 

Digitized by 



dollars at the rate of $24,000,000 a year, our public and pri- 
vate credit was matchless. The amount of foreign capital 
invested in our varied enterprises was unprecedented. Then 
as now investors were less concerned about our financial 
policy than about the probable prospect of speedy profit. 
They fell over each other in their ardent desire foj American 
securities and American properties, without regard to whether 
we were or were not drifting toward " silver monometallism." 
Our credit was in fact too good ; for we borrowed, all unar 
ware that even then the scheme was brewing whereby our 
silver money was to be destroyed in the interest of "honest" 
finance, and our debts were to be collected in gold. 

I know that a " financial ^eer " will remind me that the col- 
lapse of 1893 was but the culmination of a storm which had 
been gathering through all these years of sunshine, and that 
had we adhered to the regime of 1873 we should have had the 
same fair weather and would have it now. I reply that from 
1*880 to 1892 British capitalists pourecf their surplus money 
into Australian enterprises, and gave to the development of 
its resources the same impetus they gave to ours. That great 
colony, — a continent in itself, — peopled with the best and 
the bravest of the English race, was a "sound-money" 
country. The crash which shook tJiis Republic to its foun- 
dations prostrated everything in Australia. Our failures 
for 1893 were less than $100,000,000 ; but those of the Mel- 
bourne banks alone amounted to $300,000,000 — "a sum 
almost equal to the total deposits in the sixty-four banks form- 
ing the clearing-house of New York City." Will not the 
investor who placed his money and his faith in America be at 
least as sure of its return as he who preferred to risk Australia ? 

I trust I have said enough to convince the impartial reader 
that the fourteen years in which our silver coinage was greatest 
forms a cheerful chapter in the history of our country, and 
that every forecast of the consequences of our limited coinage 
acts was utterly dissipated by the logic of events. I am vain 
* enough to assert that if a limited and compulsory coinage of 
silver with gold can accomplish so much, a free and equal 
coinage of the two metals under the old conditions would 
surely accomplish much more. The false prophets of the 
past should not declare themselves the inspired prophets of 
the future. In the olden time they were set upon by the 
people and stoned to death. In these days, though their pun- 
ishments are milder, the public judgment of their character 
is equally inflexible. 

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Your dismal forebodings, my prophetic friend, are only the 
morbid offspring of a diseased imagination. You cannot 
shake public confidence in the statesmanship of those who 
forced from unwilling hands the beneficent compromises of 
1878 and 1890. The enmity of a powerful class intrenched 
behind the bulwarks of legislation, the assaults of the press, 
the midnight cry of the alarmist, the warnings of so-called 
financial seers, can neither stay the efforts of the reformer, 
nor deprive him of the trust, the love, the confidence of his 
countryman. Your ridicule, your abuse, your threats, and 
your prophecies are alike unavailing. The movement for 
free coinage, like the impetus of the avalanche, is irresistible. 
u It is the shadow on the dial, never still, though not seen to 
move ; it is the tide of ocean, gaining on the proudest and 
strongest bulwarks that human art or strength can build." 
You may cry out against it, but the sound of your voice shall 
perish on your lips ; for the truth is mighty, and sooner or 
later it must prevail. 

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No. I. Land and the Land Question. 


Professor of Political Economy in Kansas State Agricultural College. 

J. Current Literature. 
Land, Allotments of. (Lady Veniey) Nineteenth Century, 9:902. 

Peasant Proprietors and Cooperative Farming. Spectator, 


— and Its Owners In Past Times. (A. Jessopp) Nineteenth 
Century, 27:284. Same article, LittelVs Living Age, 184:611. 

— and its Rent. (H. White) Nation, 38:237. 

— and Labor. (W. C. Blaekley) Contemporary Review, 41:486.— Once 
a Week ,28:9— (M. Ronayne) American Catholic Quarterly, 12:233. 

Reform In. Democratic Review, 27:291. 

— and Laborers. Edinburgh Review, 152:139. 

— and the Laborers. London Quarterly Review, 60:91.— British 
Quarterly Review, 83:257. 

— and Landlordism in America and England. (F. Tufferd) To-Day, 

— and Pauperism. (F*. B. Zincke) Fortnightly Review, 31:807. 

— and Political Economy. (J. E. Cairnes) Fortnightly Review, 13:41. 

— and Politics. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 14:104. 

— and Property; Why Have I None? Democratic Review, 16:17. 

— and Taxation. (D. D. Field and H. George) North American 
Review, 141:1. 

— and Tithes. (Lord Bra bourne) Murray's Magazine, 3:453. 

— as Property. (Lord Lymington) Nineteenth Century, 14:854. 
-Capital and Improvement of. (Duke of Argyll) Nineteenth 

Century, 18:1003. 
Land, Communism in. Saturday Review, 59:71, 75. 

— Community of, in New England. (W. F. Allen) Nation, 26:22. 

— Double Property in. Speetator, 58:1427. 

— English Commons and Forests. Spectator, 72:303 (Mr 3). 

— Entails in. Quarterly Review, 83:178. 

— Farmer, The, and the. (W. D. McCrackan) ARENA, 9:625 (Ap). 

— Folk-. (P. Vinogradoff) Englinh Historical Review, 8:1 (Ja). 

— Free. (H. R. Brand) Fortnightly Review, 22:623. 

and Peasant Proprietorship. (A. Arnold) Nineteenth Century, 


— Free. (Lord Hobhouse) Contemporary Review, 49:194. 355. 

— Free Grant Lands of Canada. (C. Marshall) Fraser's Magazine, 

— Free Trade in. (A. Arnold) Contemporary Review, 20:880.— (F. W. 


Digitized by 



Newman) Fraser'8 Magazine, 96:736. 

— Freedom of. (T. H. Farrer) Fortnightly Review , 33:76. 

— Fyffe on. Spectator, 58:105. 

— Has It a Value? (J. L. Rice) North American Review, 134:617. 

— Held Out of Use. (J. W. Bengough) North American Review, 
158:512 (Ap). 

— Henry George and. (G. M. Grant) Presbyterian Review, 9:177. . 

— How to Attract Capital to. (Lord Vernon) Nineteenth Century, 
33:1028 (Je). 

— in England, Laborer and. (J. Shortrede) New Review, 6:362 (Mr). 
—(Lord Thring; W. E. Bear; Mrs. S. Batson) Nineteenth Century, 
31:150 (Ja). 

Bill on. (W. E. Bear) Fortnightly Review, 38:496. 

Lord Hartington and. Spectator, 58:1156. 

Occupying Ownership. (J. Collings) Fortnightly Review, 41:256. 

Ownership of, and American Competition. (A. G. Bradley) 

LippincotVs Magazine f 32:37. 

Purchase Bill, 1885. Saturday Review, 60:100. 

Question of. (F. B. Zincke) Fortnightly Review, 37:1— (H. D. 

Traill) Nineteenth Century, 11:966.— (C. M. Gaskell) Nineteenth 
Century, 12:460.— (H. White) Nation, 41:188.— Blackwood's Magazine, 
138:535.— (G. S. Lefevre) Nineteenth Century, 18:513. 

Radical Theorists on. (Lord Stanley of Alderley) Fortnightly 

Review, 43:297— (C. A. Fyffe) Fortnightly Review, 43:557. 

Rural Enclosures and Allotments. (Lord E. Fitzmaurice and 

H. H. Smith) Nineteenth Century, 20:844. 

Settlements of. (H. M. Humphrey) National Review, 4:238. 

Small Holdings and Cooperative Farming. Spectator, 59:1108. 

Tenure of, Reform in. (E. L. Pemberton) National Review, 

6:537.— (W. E. Bear) Contemporary Review, 48:647. 

Agricultural Holdings, Size and Distribution of, in England 

and Abroad. (P. G. Cragie) Journal of Statistical Society, 50:86. 

and Society. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 49:106. 

Bill for Transfer of, 1887. (Arthur Arnold) Fortnightly Review, 


How Every Tenant Farmer May Become His Own Landlord. 

(E. Atkinson) Westminster Review, 131:298. 

National Administration of. (F. L. Soper) Westminster Review, 


Purchase Bill, 1891. Saturday Review, 71:706. 72:10, 71. 

Effect of. Spectator, 66:848. 

Small Holdings. Chambers's Journal, 68:353. 

State Aid for Farmers Provided in the Small Holdings Bill. 

(W. E. Bear) Nineteenth Century, 29:583. 

Settlement of Landed Property. (Lord Vernon) Nineteenth 

Century, 31:352 (Mr). 

Tenure of: Organization of Real Credit. (H. de F. Mont- 
gomery) National Review, 20:241 (O). 

The Words Solinum and Solanda. (J. H. Round) English 

Historical Review, 7:708 (O). 

Breaking up of the Land Monopoly. (Marquis of Blandford) 

Nineteenth Century, 9:249. 

Chamberlain on Compulsory Expropriation. Spectator, 59:73. 

Coming Land Bill, 1885. (C. A. Fyffe) Fortnightly Review, 


Good of Enfranchising the Soil. Spectator, 58:1221. 

Division of. Bankers 1 Magazine (N. Y.), 30:941. 

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Ethics of Urban Leaseholds. British Quarterly Review, 09:301. 

Feudal Tenures. (F. Seebohm) Fortnightly Review, 13:88. 

Freehold Land Movement in 1849. Eclectic Review, 90:176; 


Future Value of. Nation, 29:156. 

Laws of. (G. W. Norman) Journal of the Statistical Society. 

39:211.— (J. S. Blackie) Contemporary Review, 37:31— (A. St. J. Clarke) 
Dublin Review, 86:134.— (W. S. Jevons) Fortnightly Review, 35:385.— 
(R. Torrens) Fortnightly Review, 88:98.— British Quarterly Review, 

Anti-Land-Law League, 1847. (I. J. Varian) HowitVs 

Journal, 1:206. 

Reform in. (G. O. Morgan) Fortnightly Review, 32*.803.— 

Nation, 29:270. 

Nationalization of. (H. Fawcett) Fortnightly Review, 18:627.— 

(A. R. Wallace) Contemporary Review, 38:716. 

Ownership of, Froude on. (G. S. Lefevre) Fortnightly Review, 


Panic of Landowners. (J. McCarthy) Nineteenth Century, 3:305. 

Prospect 8 of Landowners. (W. S. Aid is) Contemporary Review, 


Question of. (F. Seebohm) Fortnightly Review, 15:130.— (C. W. 

Hoskyns) Fortnightly Review, 15:459.— (E. Fitzmaurice) Contemporary 
Review, 19:419. 

and Mr. Cobden. (R. A. Arnold) Fraser*s Magazine, 76:79. 

and Southern Regeneration. Nation, 29:323. 

The Coming. (J. B. Kinnear) Fortnightly Review, 32:305. 

A Dishorned Nation. (F. B. Zincke) Contemporary Review, 


Historical Aspect of. (C. Elton) Fortnightly Review, 17:288. 

in 1879. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 29:106, 187. 

Leslie on. (J. S. Mill) Fortnightly Review, 13:641. 

New Aspects of. (J. Macdonnell) Fortnightly Review, 17:533. 

Peasant Proprietorship. (W. Fowler) Contemporary Review, 


Reform of Feudal Laws. (Marquis of Bland ford) Nineteenth 

Century, 9:644. 

Revolution in. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 33:5. 

Settled Land Bill. (F. Wentworth) Fortnightly Review, 


Severance of English People from the Land. (F. Seebohm) 

Fortnightly Review, 13:217. 

Small Farmers their own Landlords. (J. Mackay) Mac- 

millan*s Magazine, 41 :408. 

System of, a Reason for a Reform of Parliament. (T. E. C. 

Leslie) Fraser's Magazine, 75:143. Same article, Eelectic Magazine, 

Tenancy and Culture of, in England. Edinburgh Review, 59:387. 

Tenure of. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 27.222.— AM the Year Round, 

45:392.— Republic, 6:81.— Pcnn Monthly, 11:960. 

and Tenancy. Westminster Review, 94:233. 

England's Weak Point. Prospective Review, 3:326. 

— in England and in Ireland. London Quarterly Review, 55:364.— 
1Yest7ninster Review, 116:273.— (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 29:237. 

— in England and the Farmers. (A. Jessopp) Nineteenth Century, 
19:66. Same article, LittelVs Living Age, 168:345. 

— in English Cities, Enfranchisement of Urban Leaseholders. (H. 
Broadhurst) Fortnightly Review, 41:344. 

Digitized by 



— In Europe, Question of. (R. Blennerhassett) Fortnightly Review, 

— in France and Belgium, Tenure of, Early, Brutails and Errera 
on. (F. W. Maitland) English Historical Review, 7:748 (O). 

— in France, Division of. (F. B. Zincke) Fortnightly Review, 34:16. 
Peasant Proprietors. (M. Betham-Ed wards) Fortnightly Re- 
view, 48:223. 

— in Germany. Literary World (Boston), 14:270. 

— in Great Britain, Reform in. (R. M. Ferguson) Contemporary 
Review, 64:509 (O). 

— in India, Tenure and Cultivation of. (Sir G. Campbell) Journal 
of the Society of Arts, 29:422. 

— in Ireland.* 

and other Countries. (M. F. Sullivan) American Catholic 

Quarterly, 6:51— (V. B. Denslow) Dial (Ch), 2:9. 

— in Maryland, System of. (L. W. Wilhelm) Johns Hopkins 
University Studies, 3:7. 

— in Russia, (A. Vesselovsky) Journal of the Statistical Society, 

Peasant Proprietors. Quarterly Review, 151:428. 

— in Scotland. (Sir B. Frere) Nineteenth Century, 10:794.— (J. Mur- 
doch) Penn Monthly, 11:125, 213. 

— in Scotland, Tenure of. Edinburgh Review, 161:299. 

— in Virginia, Deed of, 1667. New England Register, 39:260. 

— in Wales. Saturday Review, 78:317 (S 22). 

— in Wales, Question of. Spectator, 71:539 (O 21). 

Royal Commission on. (Lord Stanley of Alderley) National 

Review, 21:827 (Ag). 

— Incidents of, and Pleas for Reform. (J. C. Flower) British 
Quarterly Review, 76:311. 

— Instability of. (W. Downes) 39:148. 

— Labor, and Trade, Prospects of, 1882. (F. B. Thurber) Nineteenth 
Century, 11:184. 

— Laborers' Allotment Grounds. (R. G. Kingsley) Nation, 44 72 

— Laborers and Association. (A. H. D. Acland) Contemporary 
Review, 50:112. u 

— Law of. (W. A. McCiean) Green Bag, 6:288 (Je), 449 (O). 

— Law, and Labor in England. Edinburgh Review 165:1. 
—Laws of. Blackwood's Magazine, 64:1.— A 11 the Year Round, 44:539 

558. * * * 

Canadian Land Bill. (G. S. Holmsted) Canadian Monthly, 14:78 

of the Hebrews. (T. B. Thayer) Universalist Quarterly, 29:220 

Reform in. (G. S. Holmsted) Canadian Monthly, 9:322 

— Letting of, English and Irish. Blackwood's Magazine, 17:684 
Metayer System. Foreign Quarterly Review 4:484. 

— Management of. (G. Cadell) Macmillan's Magazine, 62-461 

— Monopoly of. (G. Fitzhugh) Lippincotfs Magazine, 4*286 

— Mosaic System for Massachusetts. (G. A. Jackson) New England 
Magazine, n. s., 3:113. 

.o7^ tion ?i lzation of * (C - M * Bailtaache) Westminster Review 
137:513. — (F. L. Soper) Westminster Review, 132:270 —Renlv (R 
Simon) Westminster Review, 133:70.— Rejoinder. (F. L Boner) West 
minster Review, 133:298.-(A. R. Wallace and others) Westminster 
Review, 13S:M1.-Edinburgh Review, 157:263.-(S. Smith) CmtlZ 
porary Review, 44:850.-(A. R. Wallace ) Macmillan's Magazine, 48:485. 

oeniphy llterature on thls 8ub J ec * ** *> extensiye as to demand a separate blbli- 

Digitized by 



as First Presented. (J. R. Buchanan) ARENA, 3:401, 586. 

The Why and How of. (A. R. Wallace) Macmillan*s Magazine, 


— Occupation of. (L. Courtney) Contemporary Review, 53:625. 

— Owners of, and Those who Till It. (E. GIrdlestone) Eraser's 
Magazine, 78:728. 

versus the Nation. Tait's Edinburgh Magazine, n. s., 6:205. 

— Ownership of. Attractiveness of. Speetator, 69:708 (N 19). 

— Ownership of. (D. W. Dike) Andover Review, 6:426.— (C. S. Deva9) 
Dublin Review, 99:243. 

and National Prosperity. (H. W. Lucas) Month, 50:535. 

as a Business. (W. B. Jones) Nineteenth Century, 11:555. 

— Ownership of, Principles of. (H. H. L. Bellot) Westminster 
Review 141:10 (Ja). 

Private. (J. M. Sturtevant) Princeton Review. New Series, 


What Is Meant by. (P. G. Tiednian) American Law Review, 


Origin of. (D. E. Wins) Popular Science Monthly, 36:644. 

— Owning of. (W. Chambers) Chambers's Edinburgh Journal, 

and Copyright. (G. Allen) Eraser's Magazine, 102:343. 

— Portable Property In. All the Year Round, 6:114. 

— Problem of, and the Bible. (A. J. Brown) Lutheran Quarterly 
Review, 19:303. 

— Property in. (Sir G. Campbell) Westminster Review, 133:181— (W. 
T. Harris) American Journal of Social Science, 22:116. 

— Property in. (D. W. Johnson) Vniversalist Quarterly, 42:145. 

— Property in, Origin and Evolution of. (H. H. L. Bellot) West- 
minster Review, 140:644 (D). 

— Question of. (E. B. Brokaw and others) ARENA, 10:622 (O).— 
(F. S. Corrance) Fortnightly Review, 23:360.— (G. Odger) Contemporary 
Review, 18:23— (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 13:20.— (W. Hayden) Month, 

and Labor Question. (J. T. Smith) Catholic World, 47:51. 

American View of. (J. Swann) National Review, 1:693. 

and the Single Tax. (S. B. Riggen) ARENA, 10:332 (Ag). 

First Principles of. (L. F. Post) ARENA, 9:758 (My). 

Immigration and. (C. J. Buell) ARENA, 10:807 (N). 

in America. (E. J. Shriver) Westminster RciHcw, 128:975. 

In Tuscany. St. PauVs Magazine, 5:519. 

in Victoria; Squatters and Peasant Proprietors. (R. NIven) 

Eraser's Magazine, 99:511. 

in the United States. (A. J. Desmond) North American Review, 


History of. (S. Sato) Johns Hopkins University Studies, 4:259. 

Letters on. (H. Spencer, F. Greenwood, and others) Popular 

Science Monthly, 36:344, 507. 

Peasant Proprietors. All the Year Round, 57:462. 

Policy of Thorough. (W. T. Thomson) Westminster Review, 

142:381 (O). 

Pseudo Individualism. (A. Withy) Westminster Review, 142:485 


Sociology and. (C. Frederick Adams) International Review, 


Some Elements of. Fraser's Magazine, 88:494. 

Some Points on. (O. B. Bunce) Popular Science Monthly, 90:507. 

Digitized by 



Statement of. (A. G. Ellis) Overland Monthly, New Series. 


— Reform in, Rationale of. (L. A. Hine) Democratic Review, 20:12 1. 

— Reformers in. (Duke of Argyll) Contemporary Review, 48:470. 

— Right of Property in. New Englander, 8:220. 

— Small Holdings in, and the Present Proprietors of the Continent. 
(Lady Verney) Contemporary Review, 47:675. 

— State and. Catlwlic World, 46:04. 

— State Confiscation of Unearned Rents from. New Englander, 

— State Ownership of vs. Taxes. (F. P. Powers) LippincotVs Maga- 
zine, 30:486. 

— Story of. Chambers's Edinburgh Journal, 62:680. 

— Succession in, Canadian Law of. (G. S. Hoi mated) Canadian 
Monthly, 12:475. 

— Systematic Division of. (H. Paul) Eclectic Engineering Magazine, 

— Tax on. Westminster Review, 41:129. 
Heavy. Good Words, 5:306. 

— Tax on, Single. (E. Atkinson and H. George) Century, 18:385. 

— Taxation of. (J. H. Durst) Ovtrland Monthly, new series 7:372. 

— Tenant Right. (F. S. Corrance) Fortnightly Review, 23:552. 

— Tenure of. Edinburgh Review, 134:440— (Sir G. Campbell) Fort- 
nightly Review, 23:27.— Westminster Review, 82:105.— London Quarterly, 
Review, 34:414. 

and Political Economy. (T. E. C. Leslie) Fortnightly Review, 


— Tenure of, among the Tribes in South Africa. (H. B. Frere) 
Anthropological Journal, 12:267. 

and Transfer of. (E. S. Roscoc) Iiritish Quarterly Review, 


Egyptian. (R. Reid) Catholic Presbyterian, 0:430. 

Ethics of. (J. B. Clark) International Journal of Ethics, 1:62. 

— (S. N. Patten) International Journal of Ethics, 1:354. 

for Building. Saturday Review, 50:103. 

Hebrew. (R. Reid) Catholic Presbyterian, 10:109. 

in Domesday. (J. H. Round) Antiquary, n. s., 5:105. 

in England. (D. Mac G. Means) Chautauquan, 12:19, 162, 307. 

in England, Archaic. Antiquary, u. s., 8:204. 

in Europe. Eraser's Magazine, 83:675. Same article, LittclVs 

Living Age, 110:105. 

in Fiji. (L. Fison) Anthropological Journal, 10:332. 

in Madagascar. Anthropological Journal, 12:277. 

in France. (R. E. Prothero) Nineteenth Century, 28:778. 

in Polynesia, Ancient System of. (N. D. Alexander) American 

Law Review, 22:371. 

in the Channel Islands. (F. B. Zlncke) Fortnightly Review, 


In the United States. (II. Strong and D. B. King) North 

American Review, 142:244. 

in Virginia. (E. Ingle) Johns Hopkins University Studies, 3:131. 

Mackenzie's History of Highland Clearances. Athenaeum, 83, 


Patriarchal. (R. Reid) Catholic Presbyterian, 9:260; 10:273. 

In Scotland. Westminster Review, 00:277. 

in Various Countries; Cobden Club Essays. (W. F. Allen) 

Nation, 14:89. 

Digitized by 



Lord Dufferin on. (T. C. E. Leslie) Macmillan's Magazine, 


Fixity of. Dublin University Magazine, 23:605. 

The Gracchi. Fraser's Magazine, 75:448. 

Guernsey System of. TaiVs Edinburgh Magazine, n. s., 6:432. 

in British India. Westminster Review, 89:197. 

How to Multiply Small Holdings. (H. E. Moore) Nineteenth 

Century, 36:947 (D). 

Legal Execution and. (E. Jenks) English Historieal Review, 

8:417 (Jl). 

Question of. Eraser's Magazine, 69:357. 

Landlord's Preferential Position. (R. C. Richards) Fortnightly 

Review, 53:881. 

Northumbrian. (P. W. Maitland) English Historical Review, 


Reform of. (E. P. Cheney) Annals of American Academy of 

Political and Social Science, 3:309. 

Short, Influence of. (William Thomas Thornton) Journal of 

Agriculture, 1847-49. 

Torrens System. (W. D. Turner) American Law Review, 25:755. 

— Tenures of, Consequences of. Westminster Review, 93:37. 

— Territorialism, Fruits of. (F. B. Zincke) Fortnightly Review, 

Good Word for. (R. Ramsden) Fortnightly Review, 33:743.— 

Rejoinder. (F. B. Zincke) Fortnightly Review, 33:756. 

— Title to, Registration of. Westminster Review, 126:76. 

— Titles to, and Their Transfer. (A. Arnold) Fraser's Magazine, 
99:314; 100:634. 

Power of the Legislature to Confirm. Western Law Journal, 


— Transfer of. Bankers' Magazine (London), 49:270.— (Duke of 
Marlborough) Fortnightly Review, 43:544.— Chambers's Edinburgh Jour- 
nal, 47:S9; 56:561.— (A. Arnold) Fraser's Magazine, 87:265. 

Reform In. (H. B. Hurd) American Law Review, 25:367.— (J. W. 

Jenks) Annals of American Academy of Political and Social Science, 2:48. 
-(C. F. Libby) American Law Review, 28:196 (Mr, Ap). 

The Law Society on. Spectator, 59:478. 

Torrens on. Spectator, 55:1024. 

Simplification of. (G. S. Holmsted) Canadian Monthly, 11:76. 

— Trevelyan on. Spectator, 58:208. 

— Unequal Distribution of, and Remedies. (E. G. Waite) Overland 
Monthly, 15:447. 

— Value of, London and New York, Bankers' Magazine (N. Y.), 

— Welsh. Saturday Review, 61 :250. 

— A Word on. (W. Chambers) Chambers's Edinburgh Journal, 

Land Act, Welsh. Saturday Review, 61:2. 

Land Cessions to the United States. Maryland's Influence Upon. 
(H. B. Adams) Johns Hopkins University Studies, 3:3. 

Land Charters of the Anglo-Saxon Period, Earle on. Athenaeum, 
89, 1:690. Same article, LitteWs Living Age, 182:570. 

Land Customs in Scotland, Archaic. (G. L. Gomme) Antiquary, n. 
s., 4:99. 

Landed Estates and Landed Incomes. Quarterly Review, 166:210. 

Landed Gentlemen in the United States. (G. E. Ellis) Magazine of 
American History, 9:340. 

Digitized by 



Landed Gentry, Burke's, New Edition of. Athenaeum, 94, 1:735 

Abuses of. (A. Arnold) Nineteenth Century, 1:458. 

Cost of. (A. Arnold) Princeton Review, new series, 2:578. 

Uses of. (J. A. Froude) Eraser's Magazine, 94:671. 

Landed Interest, English History of. (Cathcart) Journal Royal 
Agricultural Society, Vol. II. 

— and Supply of Food. Fraser's Magazine, 99:709. 

— Causes of Distress of. Westminster Review, 18:108. 

— Improvement of. Westminster Review, 48:1. 

— Lytton's Letters to John Bull. Edinburgh Review, 94:140. 

— Registration of. Westminster Review, 45:107. 

Landed Property, Settlement of. Leisure Hour, 14:90, 101, 304. 

Taxation of. (C. H. Sargent) Contemporary Review, 57:282.— (J. 

F. Moulton) Contemporary Review, 57:412. 

Landed Proprietor, A: a Poem. (C. Burke) Argosy, 58:288 (O). 

Landholding, Early Forms of. (C. I. Elton) English Historical 
Review, 1:427. 

— Early, and Land-Transfer, Modern. (F. Pollock) Macmillan's 
Magazine, 61:414. 

—Early Teutonic. Saturday Review, 57:84. 

— in England, History of. (J. Fisher) Royal Historical Society 
Transactions, 4:97: 5:228. 

Land Law, a Model. (A. Williams) Fortnightly Review, 47:558.— 
Reply. (Duke of Argyll) Fortnightly Review, 47:764. 

of Mining Districts. (C. H. Shinn) Johns Hopkins University 

Studies, 2:549. 

Land Laws. (J. F. Stephen) National Review t 6:729. Same article, 
LiltelVs Living Age, 168:707. 

English. (C. I. Elton) Academy, 25:195.— Spectator, 57:444. 

History of. (F. Pollock) Macmillan's Magazine, 46:356. 

Revolution in. Spectator, 62:393. 

Land Law Reform in the Highlands. Scottish Review, 4:137. 

Landless Farmer. (S. O. Jewett) Atlantic Monthly, 51:759. 

Landless, Last Resort of the. (H. J. Desmond) Forum, 6:319. 

Land League, McCarthy's Apology for. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 

Meeting of. Tinsley's Magazine, 30:341. 

Land Legislation: a Plain Tale and a Warning. (F. T. Burroughs) 
National Review, 105:381. 

Landlord and Tenant. Leisure Hour, 14:356, 378. 

Law of, in India. (W. G. Pedder) Journal of the Society of Arts, 


Rights of. Journal of Agriculture, 1853-55. 

Relations Between. Lend a Hand, 7:371. 

Landlords, Plea for. (J. Martineau) Blackwood's Magazine, 143:193. 

Landlords and Tenants. (O. Hill) Macmillan's Magazine, 24:456.— 
Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, 1:484. 

Landlords and Allotments. Saturday Review, 61 :369. 

—and the National Income. (W. H. Mallock) National Review, 2:889. 

— Highland. Quarteily Review, 159:113. 

Landlords, New. (E. O. Fordham) Westminster Review, 141:396 (Ap). 

— and Monopoly. (G. Fitzhugh) De Bow's Review, n. s., 4:437. 
Land Movement and Labor Movement in the United States. New 

Princeton Review, 3:259. 

Land-Owner and Farmer in England. (D. B. King) Princeton Re- 
view, n. s., 13:262. 

Digitized by 



Land-Owners, Mammoth. Spectator, 61 :1286. 

Are They Idle? (J. Manners) National Review, 10:836. 

Land Purchase; a Profitable State Investment. Westminster Re- 
view, 131:467. 

Land Revenue in Madras. (G. S. Goodrich) Economic Journal, 

Land Shark. Household Words, 12:563. 

Land System, Early German. Spectator, 57:21. 

in the New England Colonies. (M. Ogleston) Johns Hopkins 

University Studies, 4:545. 

of Homer. (W. Ridgeway) Journal of Hellenic Studies, 6:310. 

of India, Baden-Powell on. Athenaeum, 92, 2:770 (D 3). 

of Russia: Cause of the Famine. (W. C. Edgar) Forum, 13:575 


of the United States Government. Nation, 41:237. 

of the New England Colonies, The. (M. Egleston) Johns Hop- 
kins University Studies. 

of British India, Baden-Powell on. Saturday Review, 74:256. 

Land Tax. Blackwood's Magazine, 156:118 (Jl).— Saturday Review, 
78:297 (S 15). 

Land Tenures, Curiosities of. Leisure Hour, 9:397. 

Land Titles in Australia, Registry of. (E. Atkinson) Century, 21:586 

Land Troubles in Scotland. (J. Murdoch) American. 5:73. 

Land Valuing. (P. D. Tuckett) Journal Royal Agricultural Society, 
Vol. 24. 

Lands, Effects of Railroads on the Value of. (W. S. Rosecrans) 
Engineering Magazine, Vol. 1, 8. 

— Public: Alienation in Colonies. (E. de Laveleye) Fortnightly 
Review, 21 :742. , 

Disposition of. (A. B. Ilart) Quarterly Journal of Economics, 


of the United States and the Railroads. (G. W. Julian) North 

American Review, 136:237. 

of the United States; Examination of Land Office, 1822. Nilcs's 

Register, 22:102. 

Grants of. (R. T. Colburn) InUTnational Review, 3:351. 

Truth About. (J. B. Hodgskin) Nation, 11:117. 

Jackson's Veto of Land Bill. Niles's Register, 45:285. 

Policy of the Government with. (G. W. Julian) Atlantic 

Monthly, 43:325.— (G. M. Weston) Rankers* Magazine (N. Y.), 31:453. 

Educational. American Journal of Education, 17:65. 

Unavailable. (G. Mallory) Nation, 2(5:288. 

Evils of our Policy. (E. S. Peters) Century, 3:599. 

< Land-Grant Railways in Congress. (G. W. Julian) Inter- 
national Review, 14:198. 

— Waste. (F. A. Maxse) Fortnightly Review, 14:198. 
Planting. (Sir W. Scott) Quarterly Review, 36:558. 

AVhy Not Improved? Chambers's Edinburgh Journal, 1:82. 

Tax, Land. Westminster Review, 41:67. 

— The Single. (C. B. Spahr) Political Science Quarterly, 6:625 — 
(E. Atkinson and H. George) Century, 18:385.— (J. H. Allen) Unitarian 
Review, 34:540. 

and the impot unique. (S. B. Clarke) Quarterly Journal of 

Economies, 5:357.— (C. GIde) Quarterly Journal of Economics, 5:494. 

Discussion of nt Saratoga. 1890. (II. George and others) 

American Journal of Social Science, 27:1. 

Digitized by 



Move men t for. Public Opinion, 9:523. 

Ethics of. (J. Lee) Quarterly Journal of Economics, 7:433 (Jl). 

and Transportation. (W. E. Brokaw) American journal of 

Politics, 4:369 (Ap). 

in Actual Operation. (H. Garland) ARENA, 10:52 (Je). 

Land Question and. (S. B. Riggen) ARENA, 10:332 (Ag). 

Theory of Critique of. (H. W. B. Mackay) American Journal of 

Politics, 4:302 (Mr). 

Taxation, Common Sense of. (H. George) North American Review, 

— Crooked. (T. G. Shearman) ARENA, 3:525. 

— Henry George's Scheme of Taxation. (E. W. Beinis) Andover 
Review, 8:592. 

— Just (J. Whidden Graham) New England Magazine, n. s., 6:706 

— of Land Values. (H. George) Applcton's Journal, 25:552. 

— of Ground-Rents. Saturday Review, 61:388. 

— Rating of Ground-Rents. Spectator, 59:776. 
Taxes, on Land. (R. Giffen) Fortnightly Review, 15:771. 

See also 

The St. Louis Courier. 

The Chicago Voice. 

Tax Reform, Chestertown, Md., and other papers published by 

the Single Tax Syndicate; also 
The New Earth, New York; and files of 
The Standard, New York (defunct). 
George, Henry. (Duke of Argyll) Nineteenth Century, 15:537.— 
Literary World, (Boston), 14:77. 

— A Demurrer to his Complaint. (R. J. Mahon) Catholic World, 

— Dogma of, a Delusion. (D. N. Johnson) Universalist Quarterly, 

— Economic Heresies of. (G. Gunton) Forum, 3:15. 

— and the Encyclical of Leo XIII. (C. A. Ramm) Catholic World, 
54:555 (Ja). 

— Georgeism Making the Rich Richer. (B. Adams) North American 
Review, 146:226. 

— W. T. Harris's Reply to. (Mary E. Beedy) Education, 8:111. 

— History and Fact r*. (J. L. Galvin) Magazine of Western Ilistory, 

— Is he a Safe Leader? (E. W. Bemis) Our Day, 6:262. 

— Land Doctrine of. Dublin Review, 97 :325.— Spectator, 57:44.— 
Saturday Review, 57:39, 97. 

— Land-Tax, Proposition of. (E. G. Clark) North American Review, 

— and his Land Theories. (H. A. Brann) Catholic World, 44:810. 

— His Mistake about Land. (W. T. Harris) Forum, 3:433. 

— Mistakes of. (T. G. Shearman) Forum, 8:40. 

— His New Declaration of Rights. (H. Garland) ARENA, 3:157. 

— The New Party of. (H. George) North American Review, 145:1. 

— Progress and Poverty. Quarterly Review, 155:35.— Nineteenth 
Century, 16:134.— Cri tic, 1:90— (G. M. Grant) Presbyterian Review, 

Its Teaching on Capital. (T. H. Huxley) Nineteenth Century, 


— and Property. (W. H. Babcock) JAppincotVs Magazine, 39:133. 

— and Revolutionary Socialism. (It. T. Ely) Johns Hopkins Uni- 
versity Studies, 3:246. 

Digitized by 




— Scheme of Taxation. (E. W. Bemis) Andover Review, 8:592. 

— on Socialism. Saturday Review, 57:465. 

— Social Problems. (G. Sarsou) Modern Review, 5:345.— Spectator, 
57:923.— (T. Kirkup) Academy, 25:87. 

— Tax Theory of, Criticism of. (A. Kitson) American Journal of 
Politics, 5:350 (O). 

— Theories of. (D. N. Johnson) Univcrsalist Quarterly, 42:145. 

— Where he Stumbled. (J. T. Smith) Catholic World, 45:116. 
Rent-Appropriation and Socialism. (H. George and H. Hyndman) 

Nineteenth Century, 17:369. 

Rent: its Essence and its Place in the Distribution of Wealth. 
(Thomas L. Brown) ARENA, Dec., 1893. 

— Ground- Not a Debt. Bankers' Magazine, (N. Y.), 19:17. 

Rents, Ground-, Taxation of. (J. F. Moulton) Contemporary Review, 

— Taxation of. (I. P. Williams) Nineteenth Century, 33:293 (F).— 
(C. P. Bastable) Economic Journal, 3:255 (Je). 

Ground-values, Taxation of. (C. H. Sargent) Contemporary Review, 

— Law of the Three Rents. (J. A. Hobson) Quarterly Journal of 
Economics, 5:263. 

— Proper Function of. (C. Frederick Adams) International Review, 

— and Taxes. (F. P. Powers) LippincotVs Magazine, 39:486. 

//. Books, Pamphlets, Reports, etc. 

Allen, W. Land, Landed Property. Ways and Means to Raise the 
Value of Land; the Landlord's Companion (London, 1736). 

Anon. The Irish Peasant. Swan Sonnenschein. 

Arnold, Arthur. Free Land. Paul. 

Barrows, W. Landholding in the United States of Yesterday and 

Bateman, J. Great Land Owners of Great Britain and Ireland. 

Birkbeck, W. L. The Distribution of Land in England. Mne- 

Blackie, Prof. J. Stuart. The Scottish Highlands and the Land 
Laws. Chapman. 

Blount, T. Ancient Tenures of Land and Custom of Manors. 
Reeves & Turner. 

Bourdin, M. A. An Exposition of the Land Tax. 

Broderlck, G. C. English Land and Landlords. Cassell. 

Calrd, Prof. J. Landed Interest and the Supply of Food. Cassell. 

Collet, H. On the Laws of England Concerning Estates in Land, 
Advowsons, etc. 

Copland, S. Land, the History of the Appropriation of. Agricul- 
ture, Ancient and Modern. Lands at Different Periods. 

De Coulanges, Fustel. Origin of Property in Land. Swan Son- 

Cox, Harold. Land Nationalization. Methuen. 

Cox, S. S. Free Land and Free Trade. New York. 

Dawson, W. H. Unearned Increment, The. Swan Sonnenscheiu. 

Devyr, T. Ainge. Our Natural Rights. 

English Land Restoration League, publications; No. 8 Duke Street. 
Adelphi, London, W. C, Moulton, J. Fletcher, Q. C: The Taxation of 
Ground Values.— Percy, C. M. Mine Rents and Mineral Royalties.— 
Splcer, Albert, M. P. Christian Economics with Reference to the 

Digitized by 



Land Question.— Social and Labour Problems in England, and the 
First Step to their Solution.— The Land and its Relation to National 
Prosperity.— "Red Vans," Special Report of Work of .during 1893.— 
Sullivan, J. F. Queer Side of Landlordism. 

Epps, William. Land Systems of Australia. Swan Sonnenschein. 

E8cott, T. H. S. Landlords and Estate Management, Great. 

Evans, Howard. Our Old Nobility. Vickers. 

Field, C. D. Land Holding and Landlord and Tenant in Various 
Countries. Thacker. 

Fisher, Joseph. The History of Land-holding in England; in 
Ireland. Longman. 

Fluerscheim, M. Rent, Interest, and Wages. W. Reeves. 

Ford, W. C. Lands, Public, of the United States. Cyclopedia of 
Political Science, etc., vol. 3. 

Froude, J. A. Landed Gentry, The Uses of. Short Studies on 
Great Subjects, vol. 2. 

Hubbard, J. M. Land, The Ownership of. Connecticut Board of 
Agriculture, Report, 1884. 

George, Henry. Works. C. L. Webster, New York: Progress and 
Poverty.— Social Problems.— Protection or Free Trade.— The Laud 
Question.— The Condition of Labor.— A Perplexed Philosopher.— 
Property in Land. 

Gould, Rev. S. Baring-. Germany, Past and Present. Paul. 

Hill, F., and others. What Ought to be the Principles Regulating 
the Ownership and Occupation of Land? (In Nat. Assoc. Prom. 
Soc. Sci.) 

Kay, Joseph. Free Trade in Land. Longman. 

Kinnear, J. B. The Principles of Property in Land. Smith & 

Land Grants, Speeches on. Appendix, Cong. Record, 16, part 3. 

Landlord and Tenant. Manual of Farm Law. 

Relation of. European Agriculture, vol. 1. 

Land Offices, Government. Kansas State Board of Agriculture, 
vol. 4. 

Land Ownership and Tenure. Highland and Agricultural Report, 
Scotland. 1878. 

Land, Rights Pertaining to Residence. Manual of Farm Law. 

Lands, Sale and Purchase of. Law of Real Property. 

Lands, Value of. Department of Agriculture Report, 1879. 

De Laveleye, E. Primitive Property. Macmillan. 

Lefevre, G. Shaw. Agrarian Tenures. Cassell. — Freedom of 
Land. Macmillan. 

Leslie, Prof. T. E. C. Land Systems and Industrial Economy of 
Ireland, England, and Continental Countries. Macmillan. 

Loudon, John C. Landed Properties, Management of. Ency- 
clopaedia of Agriculture. 

Maedonnell, J. The Land Question. Macmillan. 

Maine, Sir H. S. Village Communities in the East and West. 

Mill, J. Stuart. Chapters and Speeches on the Irish Land Ques- 
tion. Longman. 

Montgomery, W. E. History of Land Tenure in Ireland. Cam- 
bridge Press. 

Moody, W. G. Land and Labor in the United States. Scribners. 

Morris, W. O'Connor. The Land System of Ireland. Simpkin. 

Nassg, E. The Agricultural Community of the Middle Ages. Mac- 

Digitized by 



Newman, W. L. The Land Laws. 

Ogilvie, William. Birthright in Land. Kegan Paul. 

Ouvry, H. A. Stein, and His Reforms in Prussia. Kerby. 

Pagliardini, -T. On the Land Laws of Europe. (In Nat. Assoc 
Prom. Soc. Sci.) 

Phear, Sir J. B. The Aryan Village in India and Ceylon. 

Political Economy: General Works on. 

Pollock, Sir F. The Laud Laws. Macmillan. 

Probyn, J. W. Systems of Land Tenure in Various Countries. 

Protherow, R. E. Land Laws.— Pioneers and Progress of English 

Reports from II. M/s Representatives Respecting the Tenure of 
Land in the Several Countries of Europe, 18(>9. Great Britain, 
Foreign Office. 

Richey. A. G. The Irish Land Laws. Macmillan. 

Ross, D. W. Early History of Landholdiug among the Germans. 

Roth, H. L. The Agriculture and Peasantry of Russia. Low. 

Rouse, W. Remarks on the Value of Freehold and Copyhold 
Land. Pamphleteer. 181(>. 

Scrutton, Prof. T. E. Land in Fetters. Cambridge Press. 

Seebohm, Frederick. English Village Community Examined. 

Sparks, W. A. J. Land Entries, Fraudulent. Report Sec. of 
Interior, 1885, vol. 1. 

Sparks, W. A. J. Land Preemption System. Report Sec. of 
Interior, 1885, vol. 1. 

Spence, Thomas. Nationalization of the Land. S. D. F., 337 
Strand, London. 

Stepniak. The Russian Peasantry. Sonnenscheln. 

Stubbs, G. W., Dean of Ely. — Land, the, and Labourers, the. 
Swan Sonnenschein. 

Sullivan, J. History of Land Titles In Massachusetts. Boston, 

Symposium on the Land Question. Unwin. 

Systems of Land Tenure in Various Countries. Published by 
Cobden Club. 

Thackeray, S. W. The Land and the Community. Kegan Paul. 

Thornton. W. T. Plea for Peasant Proprietors. Longman. 

Twitchell, Eliza Stowe. Economic Principles. 

The Value of. Agriculture, Ancient and Modern, vol. 1. 

Verney, Lady. How the Peasant Owner Lives. Macmillan. 

Vinogradoff, Prof. Early English Land Tenures. Clarendon 

Walker, Pres. F. A. Land and its Rent. Clarendon Press. 

Wallace, Dr. Alfred Russel. Land Nationalization. Swan Son- 

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Young, Arthur. Travels in France In 1787, 1788 and 1789. 

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The readers of a conservative magazine in its issue of 
November, 1804, were treated to an article entitled "Is the 
West Discontented? A Study of Local Facts." The author 
of this article was J. H. Canfield, the present chancellor of 
the University of Nebraska. The editor of the magazine 
in question, in his addenda to that issue, introduces us to the 
writer as being for three years chancellor of the University 
of Nebraska, at Lincoln. "He is the author of 'Taxation: 
Plain talk for Plain People,' and he is not only at the head of 
an important educational institution, but by reason of his 
public activity in other ways, one of the most influential and 
useful men in the Northwest." Such being the case, and 
the subject being of such widespread interest to the country, 
I have thought the treatment given the theme by the profes- 
sor would allow of some extension, in order that it may be 
ascertained whether or not he has reached correct conclu- 
sions, and if not, whether or not this is due to his premises 
or to his deductions. 

The learned writer comes to the conclusion that the West 
is not discontented. What he means by "The West" is not 
very clear from his treatment of the subject; for he has 
concentrated his gaze upon the town of Lincoln in the state 
of Nebraska, and evidently within a stone's throw of the 
university buildings. There he proceeds to make a "study 
of local facts" by which he measures the condition of feeling 
of the population of the entire West — a term which is still 
taken to mean all that area of the United States beyond the 
Mississippi River. 

Nor is the honored chancellor more clear in the definition 
of the term which he has undertaken to prove is not applica- 
ble, in any important degree, to the West. What he means 
by "discontent" he does not make plain to us. Discontent 
with one's self? with one's family or kin? with one's envi- 
ronment? with one's occupation or with the benefits yielded 
thereby? or with the laws and governmental conditions 
under which one exists? In none of these respects does the 
writer admit us to an understanding of the premises he is 
seeking to refute. 

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Declaring himself to be familiar with the lives and habits 
of a large number of people on "an average street" in Lin- 
coln, which familiarity he has acquired through the various 
means by which a university professor may come in contact 
with the public, he proceeds to determine from the external 
appearances of their daily lives whether or not they are 

In addition to this he has sent out a circular letter to "a 
hundred gentlemen of his personal acquaintance who are 
fair representatives of the different sections, of the different 
political parties, and of the different material interests of 
the state," and from the replies he receives to these letters 
he ascertains that only "from three to five per cent of the 
entire population of the state are really and seriously dis- 
contented." That discontent, however, he leaves us to 
believe is due to the fact that 

in a Dew state, and especially in a rich state like our own, where all 
natural resources seem to be within easy grasp of each and all [the italics 
are mine] there have been great opportunities for acquiring a compe- 
tence and even wealth. ... In the pursuit of wealth, some by reason 
of extraordinary diligence, extraordinary shrewdness or good fortune, 
have been more successful than others. With the unsuccessful, even 
though they have done more than fairly well, the sense of not being as fav 
along in the race as those with whom they made the start is irritating. 
The rapid rise in values has unquestionably unsettled many men and 
made them discontented with conditions which we all know to be mure 
nearly normal. . . . Our people do not always wait to be deprived of 
necessaries before thev complain, but are apt to speak, and speak 
sharply, if what may be termed the lavishness of supply is lessened. 
Men here, as elsewhere, are in haste to get rich ; not simply to secure a 
competence. . . . Suffering, deprivation, and discontent are, much like 
the ague, * over in the next township * ; and it is not at all unusual to 
find an audience applauding a speaker who tells them they are pauper- 
ized, when very few in the audience would part with their possessions 
short of a sum represented by a big unit and three ciphers. 

Such is the view taken of the existing state of feeling 
among the people of Nebraska, on the score of their condi- 
tions, by an official who has prosecuted his explorations over 
the territory of his observations, he says, to the extent of 
10,000 miles per year. 

That he is not competent nor in a position to judge 
on such a subject, and that he dare not express his judg- 
ment if he were, will, on reflection, be perfectly clear to him, 
and if not to him, then, I hope, to those who may read these 

The subject is one of burning importance. "Is the West 
Discontented?" I quote from an article printed in the same 
magazine of the issue of the succeeding month (January, 

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1895) from the pen of a writer who was discussing the 
Strike Commissioners' Report.* The strike exerted its 
force particularly in the West, extending to California and 
having one of its centres in Omaha, the leading city in the 
state of which Professor Canfleld is writing. Mr. Robinson, 
in that article, says: 

There have been strikes before, involving vast interests and bitterly 
contested, but none fraught with such sinister significance as those of 
last July. What caused the most profound alarm in all thinking minds 
was not any individual incident of the uprising, so much as the fact 
that the spirit of discontent and despair should have so far saturated 
large masses of the people of our country as to make such things pos- 
sible — not anything which was done, so much as the method of its 
doing and the narrow escape from what was undone. 

These two writers in the same periodical seem to take 
widely diverse views of the discontent existing in the West; 
perhaps if we look at the relative positions of the men we 
may find why such should be; particularly will our under- 
standing increase when we learn that one is a pedagogue, 
largely aside from the current of affairs, while the other is a 
trade paper editor, with his eyes fixed on conditions which 
he must understand. 

I shall assume, however, that by "discontent" Professor 
Canfleld means a dissatisfaction arising from lack of ade- 
quate returns in the individual enterprises of the people and 
this failure in adequacy being general to large numbers, the 
cause being due directly to laws operating against the inter- 
ests of the masses. This must be, in effect, the definition 
of Professor Oanfield's word "discontent," else the word has 
no relevancy to his article. 

Ruch, then, being the fact, let us inquire by what evi- 
dences the professor has undertaken to establish that the 
West is not discontented. I will assume that Nebraska is 
a specimen state of the West and that Lincoln is a sample 
town; nay, even that the people whom the professer has 
beheld going to and fro, through the plate-glass pane of his 
library window in the university building, are types of men 
and women common to the entire West. Such being the 
postulatiou how has the professor used these facts to draw 
his conclusions? 

The wealthy residential section of Capitol Hill he passes 
over with the remark that "It is hardly likely that there will 
be much discontent here." A statement doubtless correct, 
but which is valuable to us mainly in that it goes as proof 
to our hypothesis that dissatisfaction resulting from inade- 

*" The Humiliating Report of the Strike Commission/' by H. P. Robinson. 

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quacy of returns from expended effort is the real meaning 
of the professor's word "discontent" 

Passing Capitol Hill he descends at once to his "average 
street" Here he finds living in one house, German parents 
with six sons; one is an accountant at the University, one 
practises law, one is studying medicine, another does this 
and another that He tinds they are "intelligent, indus- 
trious, frugal, temperate, and reasonably successful," and 
from their moving in these occupations, from their industry, 
frugality, etc., he concludes that none of them are discon- 
tented within his meaning of the word. 

In another house the professor locates "an old gentleman 
and his wife and one or two younger children. They live 
in a very quiet way, and have a few rooms which they rent 
to students and others." He has an occasional conversa- 
tion with them, and from these occasionals and from the 
fact that they are living as he describes, he adjudges them 
not discontented. 

In another house resides an old lady "who is partially, 
if not entirely, supported by her son. She may be seen 
quite frequently out in the garden among her flowers, chiefly 
noted for their old-fashioned names and colors," etc. From 
this observation of the old lady the professor finds she i3 
not discontented. Working on a house adjacent are two 
carpenters; "one rides home with his wife who comes for 
him every evening with a neat little pony and phaeton, and 
is often accompanied by a bright-faced boy evidently their 
son. . . . He and his wife read together evenings, and he is 
reasonably well informed on public affairs." From these 
facts the professor determines that the carpenter is not 

The other carpenter is discontented: be is a foreigner 
and a Swede. "He thinks the lot of the laboring man 
harder here than in the old country; and if he could get 
away he-would certainly go back." This, then, is the reason 
of the Swede's discontent; another cause is that "at first he 
received large wages and thought he could soon own a 
home; he finally purchased it, but was somewhat in debt; 
he disliked the continual paying of interest, and now he did 
not get enough work to pay off what he owed." As an 
offset to the justiflableness of these grounds of dissatis- 
faction, the professor mentions that the Swede stated "with 
much apparent pride" that in the old country he could not 
run in debt, he would have no credit, and he would be 
expected to rent and to remain a tenant. 

Thus far, then, in the inquiry, the professor has found 

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only one discontented man and he is an alien, and his discon- 
tent is really without foundation in fact, since he is doing 
far better amidst his new surroundings than he did in the 
country whence he came. 

So on, through the various examples which the professor 
puts forward to show the pacific state of the western 
laboring population. His conclusions are based on just 
such observation. The young husband and wife who are 
building a small apartment house as a business venture, he 
being a thrifty shipping clerk and she, before marriage, a 
professional nurse, he finds busy and successful people, "such 
as are rarely discontented". 

"The evening paper thrown upon the porches," the 
presence of a hammock and flowers in the yard, he takes 
as a certificate of an absence of discontent. The "old lady 
comfortably supported by a daughter who is a stenog- 
rapher" is, from that fact, to his mind, contented; as also 
are the two daughters in the adjoining house who are clerks 
in one of the retail drygoods stores. Their appearance 
being neat and their habits busy, the professor cannot 
imagine they are discontented with that grim necessity 
which forces each to slave for a living, or that they are con- 
cerned in the vast disparity between their condition and 
that of those women whose incomes, from whatever sources, 
are sufficient to secure them from daily labor. 

It is perfectly clear that the professor has adduced no 
facts upon which he could base an opinion. It would be, 
indeed, interesting to know what exterior phase should be 
presented to the eyes of the professor, in order to attain his 
idea of a discontented person. What must a person do, 
how must he act, that the professor might find he is discon- 
tented? What must be the state, environment, situation, 
of that "from three to five per cent of the entire population 
who are really and seriously 'discontented' "? 

As I have said, the professor is neither a fit man to judge 
of the feeling of these people, nor would it be safe for him 
to express his judgment if he were. 

The professor is evidently a contented man. With a snug 
salary of $4,000 or $5,000 a year, with comfortable quarters 
at the university buildings provided him by the state, to him 
the world is a smoothly rolling ball with greased axles. His 
office carries with it public respect and esteem, the people 
with whom he comes in contact treat him in a deferential, 
distinguished way, he has a measure of power and authority 
sufficient to make an ordinary man feel satisfied in this 
regard, and his private affairs are, doubtless, well managed. 

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To such a man, therefore, who pins his political faith to 
the economic nonsense of the dear old Republican party; 
whose knowledge of political economy was acquired from 
the writings of the old school ; who knows worse thau noth- 
ing of the principles of the single tax or the truths of free 
trade; who observes the vast concentration of wealth to bt^ 
due to the superior shrewdness and activities of the mil- 
lionaires; and who accounts for the giant strikes and wide 
agitation of the laboring masses as resulting from the 
harangues of foreign anarchists who poison their minds as 
to their surroundings, and, where really no just grounds ex- 
ist, incite them to contests with their employers; to such 
a man there is nothing wrong; there is no discontent within 
the scope of our definition. If a few people are dissatis- 
fied at the way things go with them, it is their own fault. 

For such a man to respond to the question "Is the West 
Discontented ?" and present himself as a judge thereof, 
appears to my mind the sheerest folly. The value of his 
views is simply that there is one man in the West who is 
comfortably situated and to whom it does not seem that 
there is anything wrong. There are hundreds, perhaps 
thousands like him; the ''representative men ,% of whom he 
speaks are of his own kin. They are leading men in busi- 
ness and politics, they hold offices, have comfortable 
incomes, and are unconscious of the forces fernienung at 
the bottom. Carlyle tells us that, in Paris, in the height 
of the terrors of the French Revolution, "Theatres to the 
number of twenty-three were open every night; while right 
arms here grew weary with slaying, right arms there were 
twiddle-deeing on melodious catgut; at the very instant 
Abb£ Sicard was clambering up his second pair of shoulders 
three men high (in the violon of the Abbayd following the 
massacre of the priests), 500,000 human individuals were 
lying horizontal as if nothing were amiss." 

I have said that supposing that the professor nrrc 
equipped for clear discernment, he dare not express his 
honest views. He is the holder of a position under 
the state government. This is necessarily a political 
position; that is, it is influenced by politics; its 
incumbency is secured through a political "pull." Let the 
professor publish in the same magazine an article describing 
conditions in Nebraska as they really are. Let him explain 
why the Populist party — the party of discontent — polled 
83,134 votes in Nebraska in 1892 while in 1888 it polled but 
9,429. Does this show contentment? Let him deplore 
that foul system* which has forced thousands of farmers 

♦That is, the feudal system of land ownership, v>\\Wh is in as full force in the 
United States to-day as when introduced into England by William the Conqueror. 

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and their families to the tilling of arid lands where certain 
starvation awaits them, if they remain long enough, while 
millions of God's best acres elsewhere lie fallow. Were the 
thousands in Nebraska lately fed from relief cars con- 
tented? Or did they resignedly attribute their famine to 
causes abiding solely with God? 

The expressions of feeling in Omaha and elsewhere in 
Nebraska during the great strike and the sympathy 
extended by thousands to the Commonweal army move- 
ment, do not argue well for unbroken contentment there. 

Suppose the professor should draw obvious deductions 
from these facts and write an article along the lines they 
lead, what would be the result? Refinements of mental 
torture for the writer! Such an article might be written 
of things and conditions in New York, or any other large 
eastern centre, and no one would take it sufficiently to heart 
to conceive umbrage at it. But the case is different in a 
western town. There everybody is seeking at all times to 
"boom" the town. They wish to draw trade to it, to increase 
the land value in it — at least a part of them wish to do so — to 
make it excel rival towns. The individual who shall nar- 
rate, any statements, whether true or not, which are likely 
to impair any of these ends, is a sort of public enemy. 

So it would be with the professor. How the newspapers 
would "roast" the learned pedagogue! especially the news- 
papers of the political party opposite to that through which 
the professor had secured his chair. How they would, in 
column editorals, in paragraph squibs, cudgel and skewer 
the poor chancellor until his existence, for the period, would 
seem a torment. "The false representations," they would 
say, "made to the people of the East concerning the condi- 
tion of the inhabitants of this state, are well likely to exert 
its influence in staying that desirable character of immi- 
gration which all of us have been, all these years, striving 
to attract. More is the pity that we should have warmed 
into life a serpent to bite us; that we should have given one 
of the most profitable positions in the service of the state to 
a man who, apparently, avails himself of the earliest oppor- 
tunity to do us an injury." 

I can fancy, too, I hear the heavy voice of a well-fed owner 
of a land addition to the city of Omaha, or to the city of Lin- 
coln, rising in meeting of the chamber of commerce, and 
there proposing the adoption by that organization of a set 
of resolutions. These commence with a 

"Whereas, It has come to the notice of this body that an 
officer, enjoying a large salary from the state, has so far 

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forgotten the fealty due from hiin to the people of the state 
as to cause to be published in a leading eastern magazine an 
article of his authorship grossly misrepresenting the con- 
tented and happy condition of the people of this state, and 

"Whereas, Such an article is calculated to produce a false 
impression of the conditions prevailing in this state in the 
minds of the readers of the said magazine, now, therefore, 

"Resolved, That the members of the chamber of commerce 
in meeting assembled, do hereby deny the several state- 
ments contained in the said article as being without founda- 
tion in fact, and express their regret that a person capable 
of writing such an article should be found holding so impor- 
tant a position as the chancellorship of the university of this 

The resolutions would be spoken upon by several brother 
real estate owners interested in booming the values of their 
lands and selling to the easterner at their own figures, little 
triangular blocks of the earth's surface which they had 
"taken up" years ago and had held idle all this time; these 
gentlemen talk to the point, and the resolutions are adopted 
with hardly a dissenting voice. The board of trade, com- 
posed of the "representative" class of whom the professor 
speaks, who see nothing wrong anywhere, and who do not 
wish to realize that such exists, also adopt like resolutions, 
which are spread at length in the news columns of the 
papers, touched up by editorial comment; and as the storm 
thickens the professor begins to feel that he has built his 
house on shifting sands; that perhaps, as a result of all this, 
his occupancy of the chancellorship may become unsettled. 

The West is discontented. It is a simmering, seething 
cauldron of discontent. You find it on every hand wherever 
you go; whether east of the Rockies or beyond them, 
whether on the coast or on the sound. You find it in busi- 
ness circles, you hear it on street corners, nay, you see it 
there in the hundreds of idle men who are all day, and late 
into the night, standing about telegraph poles in the busi- 
ness centres, waiting for something to turn up. You will 
find it in the number of the public meetings held by the idle 
and laboring men, to talk over the situation; in the services 
of the New Era churches, which the laboring world has set 
up for itself because the regulation clergy persistently fail 
to take cognizance of the causes of the disturbed state of 
the masses. You can see this discontent in the People's 
Party papers, teeming with attacks on monopoly and 
recitals of the hardships of the people. You can see it in 

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the accumulation of such items as the following, which are 
daily distributed to the newspapers through the press asso- 

San Francisco, February 19, 1895. — The death from starvation of a 
four-weeks-old child of Mrs. John Harkins, who lives in a miserable 
shanty on Oregon street, was reported to the coroner. Harkins has been 
unable to get work, and the family is poverty-stricken. The mother is 
bedridden through lack of nourishment. 

I live in Los Angeles, California, I have lived here about 
seven years. In that time I have been connected with the 
press, both daily and weekly, as reporter, editor, special 
correspondent, special writer, writer for magazines and 
other periodicals. My duties have at various times drawn 
me close to civil courts, the police, politics, public bodies 
and organizations. No important public event has taken 
place in this southern metropolis of the state during my 
residence here, that has not been the subject of my study 
and labor. Los Angeles is regarded as one of the wealthiest 
and most prosperous cities of the west. It is but a few 
thousand larger than Lincoln, yet it does about twice the 
average amount of business, if the Bradstreet's weekly bank 
clearances may be taken as an index. Its resouces are vast 
and varied. Saving the imported product, there is an exclu- 
sive market for the fruits of its surrounding farms, for the 
California orange is not in the stores before the Florida 
orange has left the market. Millions of dollars are spent 
annually within its area by tourists; other millions by 
additions to its population in the persons of well-to-do 
people who come here to reside for the climate's sake. 

Los Angeles, under any arrangement or system through 
which the distribution of opportunities would approximate 
to equality, ought to be filled with the happiest people on 
the continent, and a welcome should be ready for every 
stranger within its gates. Yet is this the case? Three 
detachments of the Commonweal army, aggregating nearly 
2,000 men, got together here in 1893-94 and started to Wash- 
ington. During the past winter, the "out of work" problem 
has become so serious that an institution called the "Asso- 
ciated Chanties," comprising many of the leading property 
owners of the city, has been organized to cope with the 
situation, and it has had more work on hand than it could do. 

In order that the pittance of fifty cents, charged as a fee 
by the professional employment agencies, might not stand 
between the person looking for work and a possible "job," 
the city council and county supervisors joined hands in 
starting a "Free Labor Bureau" through which the people 

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worry; whether they will lose this loan, whether the 
security for that is good, why Jones has defaulted his inter- 
est, and will Smith pay up, and so on through the whole 
nerve- wrecking gamut 

And so on through the whole neighborhood; there are a 
few men who are working on steady wages, but they are 
constantly oppressed by nervous fears lest they may lose 
their "jobs." Discontent, uncertainty, from one cause or 
another, is rampant up and down the whole street ; yet 
Nature smiles, the clouds are gray against a deep blue sky, 
and flowers blossom into fragrance and wondrous colors; 
the neighborhood appears pleasant, the people are agreeable 
when you meet them, every man and woman carrying locked 
in their own hearts the burden of their own distress. 

But let us leave this street and look elsewhere 
for contentment Shall we go down to the South- 
ern Pacific Railroad yards and ask that hundred 
or more locomotive engineers who stayed with the company 
through the strike last summer and who have just been 
rewarded for their fidelity by a cut in wages? Shall we ask 
them if they are discontented? Or shall we inquire of those 
twenty compositors who have just been let off of their cases 
on a leading daily through the introduction of typesetting 

There is a great deal of building going on at present in 
the city; let us inquire among the architects. None of them 
are busy, yet almost every man has one or more jobs in his 
office through which he manages to keep the establishment 
afloat We remark to him that there is plenty of building 
going on in town just now, and he replies, "That's so, but the 
architects get very little of it" Ask him why, and he tells 
you that the contractors do most of it, furnishing their own 
plans, enabling the owners to avoid the services of an archi- 
tect. The business, too, is cut up, he tells us. It is impossi- 
ble any longer to get a living remuneration for the services 
of an architect. The fees of five per cent on the cost of 
the building, fixed by the Architects' Association, are lived 
up to solely by the members of that Association, and if sus- 
picion is correct many of these default in the observance of 
this rule. Outside of the association, no one pretends he 
will let a job go because he will not take less than five per 
cent. "You can get an architect to design you a 1 10,000 
building for f 50. You will have to look sharp, though, that 
he does not make it up on you through collusion with the 
contractor, for he will do it if he can." 

If the contractors are doing the bulk of the work, we 

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reason that these, at least, must be well employed, and with 
excellent returns. Yet when we move among them, what 
do we find? The number so great, and the competiton so 
intense, that a f 1,500 building will be figured on by twenty- 
two contractors!* \*k them if they are discontented, and 
if so why? They will say there are too many men in the 
business; too many contractors for the work; that half of 
them ought to be doing something else; that a contractor 
can't get a job unless he finds an owner who wants to build, 
or he can become the favorite of an architect 

But the building trades are not alone in their discontent; 
it is in all trades, in all professions. A few are doing well; 
the many are struggling, barely keeping down expenses. If 
I should send out one hundred letters among the "repre- 
sentative," etc., men of this city and close by, as the pro- 
fessor has done at Lincoln, I should get about the same 
replies as did he. If I should base my opinion on these, 
I would come to the same conclusions as reached by him. 
The discontent does not exist among the "representative" 
men. To find it you must move among the men who are not 
"representative." A leading and "representative" hotel 
man of this city, a year ago, paid $21,000 for the title to a 
vacant lot on Broadway. He did nothing to the lot mean- 
while, and a few days ago he sold it for $35,0Q0, making 
$ 14,000 in a year through the parting, for that period, with 
the use of $21,000. Our letter to him would, doubtless, come 
back fulsome with emphasis that there is no discontent; that 
everything is prosperous and money is plentiful. 

The verdict, however, of the laboring man, the proprietors 
of small business, and of small people generally, would be 
different. From them the answer would be much like the 
language of the Salvation Army General Booth, as stated in 
a recent interview, that these conditions cannot last; the 
strain is too great; a revolution is going on, and you have 
only to look around you to see it. 

* An experience of Architect Charles W. Davis, Workman Building, Los Angola, 
in 1894. 

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In the habit as he lived. 

— Shakespeare. 

Like warp and woof all destinies 

Are woven faHt, 
Linked in sympathy like the keys 

Of an organ vast. 

All which is real now rcmaineth, 

And fadeth never: 
The hand which upholds it now suHtaincth 

The soul forever. 

— Wittier. 

The life of Whittier, like that of Emerson, was beautif ul in 
its simplicity and naturalness. Aside from the conspicuous 
absence of the spectacular or dramatic element in his make- 
up there was a marked freedom from that pernicious artifici- 
ality which permeates modern life and exalts the letter while 
it ignores the spirit. The sincerity and transparency of his 
life adds greatly to the positive inspiration from which poster- 
ity for ages to come will imbibe high, fine truths as from a 
mighty limpid reservoir, — truths, which, like the teachings 
of the great Galilean, are so simply clad that they appeal to 
the unlettered no less than to the spiritually minded among 

It is good to draw very near to such a life, in the same way 
as it is helpful to journey forth into the country in spring- 
time ^vhen Nature is awaking and on every hand one feels 
an indefinable uplift born of the glory of new life and its 
promised fruition. 

Mrs. Mary B. Claflin, one of the poet's most intimate friends, 
in writing of Whittier, says : * 

With him duty was commanding, and ho always kept before him and 
acted upon the idea that u beyond the poet's sweet dream lies the eternal 
epic of the man/' 

It is necessary to note here, however, that after the war of 
the Rebellion the poet ceased to be, in a marked degree, an 
aggressive reformer. True, his instincts were ever on the 
side of justice, freedom, and progress ; but after the emancipa- 

*" Personal Recollection* of Whittier." T. Y. Crowell & Co. 

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tion of the slaves he laid aside the warrior's coat of mail for 
the quiet Quaker garb, if I may use these objective terms to 
illustrate mental conditions. This has been to me a source of 
deep regret ; yet who shall judge when it is merely conviction 
of what is right at issue? Moreover, I can well understand 
the poet's feelings, and it is but just that we examine the 
poet from his own point of view when discussing this change, 
which so boldly contrasted with the after life of such a heroic 
soul as Wendell Phillips. 

Whittier had made a noble sacrifice when he cheerfully 
surrendered his cherished dream of political preferment and 
literary success, and cast his lot in with the little despised 
band of Abolitionists, in conformity with what he conceived 
to be duty's august demand. At the time of this great re- 
nunciation no epithets were too abusive, no ridicule too 
cutting, no slander or calumny too gross to be meted out 
by easy-going conventionalists to the little band who 
seemed to be in a hopeless minority, but who bravely stood 
u on duty's vantage ground." After his decision had been 
deliberately made he had fought valiantly nor faltered 
once, until the great cause to which he had consecrated his 
best energies was won and the despised and persecuted 
minority had become luminous spirits in the eyes of the 

Then, and not till then, tlje strong desire for peace, rest, 
and an intense longing to be able to ascend the mountain 
beyond the range of the fierce tumult below overmastered the 
aggressive spirit which was peculiarly prominent in the early 
years of his life. Moreover, it must not be forgotten that he 
was at once reformer and Quaker ; the traditions of his people 
and a strong inward desire led him to seek that repose which 
aids in the development of spirituality. If Whittier had in 
him much of the crusader, he also possessed in a large way 
the soul which has ever dominated the oriental mystics and 
sages ; indeed, the blending of these two elements in him was 
veiy marked. From his soul could flash that divine indigna- 
tion which must have lit up Jesus' eyes when he overturned 
the tables of the money-changers, who had taken possession of 
his Father's temple ; and yet few natures so yearned for peace 
and harmony, found only on the sunlit mountain peaks of 
love. Fr